That, in relation to Bill C-83, An Act to amend the Corrections and Conditional Release Act and another Act, the Senate:
(a)agree to the amendments made by the House of Commons to its amendments; and
(b)do not insist on its amendments to which the House of Commons disagrees; and
That a message be sent to the House of Commons to acquaint that house accordingly.
He said: Honourable senators, I rise to speak to the message we have received from the other place regarding Bill C-83.
This bill proposes a number of changes to the Corrections and Conditional Release Act, including the creation of a new system of structured intervention units, or SIUs, to deal with inmates who pose safety risks in the general population of an institution. This legislation was introduced by the government in October 2018.
It was studied and amended in the other place, with the most notable amendment, in the context of SIUs, being the addition of a system of binding external oversight by independent adjudicators.
We received the bill in March. The Social Affairs Committee studied it and proposed additional amendments, which were received by the other place last week. Now we have a message from our colleagues in that chamber indicating that they agree to several of the Senate’s amendments, either verbatim or with slight technical changes, they disagree partially with two amendments and they disagree with five others.
The proposals retained in whole or part by the other place will have significant positive effects. These include mandatory mental health assessments within 30 days of intake for all inmates and within 24 hours of placement in a SIU.
The requirement to include family and adoption histories when considering systemic and background factors involving Indigenous inmates; also that these factors may result in a lower — but not a higher — risk level designation.
The requirement to use an airport-style body scanner wherever possible to minimize reliance on strip searches and a new emphasis on alternatives to incarceration in the Correctional Service Canada’s guiding principles.
These additions are significant improvements and reflect the considerable and valuable contribution of many senators in this chamber. Further, these amendments will help Bill C-83 achieve the government’s objective of safe and effective rehabilitation.
Turning now to the amendments that were considered but ultimately declined in the other place, there are two relatively similar amendments that recommend applying existing approaches used for Indigenous corrections and expanding them to other groups. This would apply to section 81 of the act, which allows for community-run healing lodges, and section 84, which allows for community supported release. Both of these amendments have proven valuable and successful in an Indigenous context. The idea of expanding them to other groups that are overrepresented in federal custody is worthy of serious consideration.
While the government agrees with the principle of these amendments, such approaches would require extensive consultations to determine, among other things, which groups would be interested, where capacity exists and how the experience of the relatively few Indigenous communities and organizations that run section 81 facilities can be shared more broadly. The answers gleaned from consultation must be found before such approaches are entered into law, not after.
The government also respectfully disagrees with an amendment that would require Correctional Services to provide the transfer to a provincial hospital of an inmate with a “disabling mental health issue.” As a positive development, the government has increased funding for external mental health beds in the 2018 budget. And the use of provincial hospitals may be appropriate in some circumstances.
However, it can be difficult to find provincial hospitals willing and able to house and treat federal inmates. A change that would see a significant number of people from federal correctional institutions transferred to provincial hospitals requires first further provincial consultation.
To be clear, the law already allows for these kinds of transfers where possible and appropriate, and where recommended by medical professionals, but the law cannot pre-empt the professional judgment of the health care providers who work in corrections. It is important to preserve their clinical independence.
The government is also respectfully declining an amendment that would allow sentences to be shortened, on application to a court, should correctional personnel commit acts or omissions deemed to constitute unfairness in the administration of a sentence. Of course, there are a great many people working in federal corrections who are committed professionals doing excellent work. If and when this is not the case, inmates have recourse in the form of grievances or lawsuits which could result in discipline or dismissal of the wrongdoer. The idea of retroactively short-circuiting court-imposed sentences in these circumstances would be a major policy change, one that would require extensive consultations with a number of stakeholders, including victims’ groups, as well as provincial partners and other actors in the justice system. As well, parliamentarians in both chambers should have the opportunity to study it at greater length.
The government also respectfully disagrees with the recommendation to have the new system reviewed by a parliamentary committee after two years rather than five. A five-year time frame gives the new system time to get off the ground and be fully implemented. It will ensure that Parliament’s review is more meaningful when it does happen.
In the interim, however, the minister will soon be appointing an advisory panel to monitor implementation of the SIUs as they roll out. That panel will be able to visit sites, meet with inmates and staff, provide feedback to the commissioner, and sound the alarm to the minister or to the public if something is really not working as it should. Of course, parliamentary committees don’t need legislation to tell them what to study. If a committee of either house wants to review the SIU system in two years, they are perfectly free to do so.
Lastly, government respectfully disagrees with the proposal to institute judicial oversight of all SIU placements after 48 hours. I am aware that there has been a great deal of focus on the other place’s disagreement with this proposal in particular. The argument has been made that, without this amendment, the bill is inconsistent with the Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
I will therefore focus my remarks on why I am confident that, even without judicial oversight, Bill C-83 is consistent with the Charter.
Let me start with the issue of judicial oversight. The Minister of Public Safety recently sent a letter to all honourable senators setting out his concerns with the proposal to get a judge involved at the 48-hour mark of every SIU placement. I share his concerns about the impact of such a requirement for provincial Superior Courts.
In 2017, our Legal and Constitutional Affairs Committee published a report entitled Delaying Justice is Denying Justice: An Urgent Need to Address Lengthy Court Delays in Canada. That report highlighted numerous reasons for delays in our justice system and proposed a variety of approaches that, taken together, could help address the issue. Many honourable senators will be familiar with this report so I won’t go into its details. My point is simply that, at every level, our justice system has a full workload. Any measure that risks adding to the workload of provincial Superior Courts should be taken with caution and with a clear sense of what the implications will be, particularly on the provinces. At the very least, further reflection demands that we should know what these implications are when proposing legislation.
To get a general sense of the caseload we’re talking about, we can consider the fact that, on any given day right now, there are between 300 and 400 federal inmates in administrative segregation. The median length of stay is 11 days. If the numbers are remotely comparable under the new SIU system, we would be looking at thousands of 48-hour reviews every year. It is not clear what form these reviews would take, whether they would involve a paper review or an actual hearing, what kinds of submissions the parties would make or how long the process would last. If it’s intended to be a serious process, it would have to be more than just a quick rubber stamp.
To avoid compounding the problem of court delays, new judges would have to be appointed. The government estimates that 35 to 40 independent adjudicators would be required to review SIU placements at 48 hours. One cannot know whether the number of Superior Court judges would be similar, but that’s exactly the problem. We should know and must know before moving ahead with something of this magnitude. Increasing the number of Superior Court judges means amending the Judges Act and that means having the provinces amend their corresponding legislation. Naming more judges means more spending both federally and in the form of judges’ salaries and benefits and provincially in the form of facilities, administration and support staff.
We don’t know whether any or all of the provinces would be willing to amend their legislation and devote additional resources for this. Parliament cannot impose a measure that affects the resources of provincial Superior Courts to this extent without prior consultation with the provinces. We must be sure that provinces are prepared to make the necessary legislative changes and allocate necessary funds. Clearly, the time for those negotiations is before, not after, imposing a requirement for judicial oversight in Bill C-83.
Should this chamber insist on this amendment, despite the implications and lack of prior consultations with the provinces, court delays would multiply. By the time the federal and provincial governments are completing their budgetary and legislative processes and the new judges were in place — assuming every jurisdiction gets on board — we may already have dug our judicial system quite a hole.
Another issue to consider is that judges are appointed permanently to a specific court and can only hear cases in their jurisdiction. Any unexpected changes or long-term evolution in the locations where SIUs arise or any future changes to the law could lead to insufficient judicial capacity in one province and excessive capacity in another.
The system of independent external decision makers, however, offers flexibility to adjust their number and location as required. In other words, there are considerable practical problems with the proposal to implement judicial oversight at this stage of the legislative process without thorough consultations.
Another key point is that, while courts have not examined the new system proposed by Bill C-83, several courts have issued decisions about the existing system of administrative segregation. Not one has said that judicial oversight is necessary or required. In fact, the Ontario Superior Court said precisely the opposite. According to the court:
The reviewing tribunal can have adequate independence without having all the attributes of a judge.
The court went on to say that internal review is preferable as it is more expedient.
Moving to the United Nations now: When addressing solitary confinement, which involves conditions far more restrictive than those contemplated in Bill C-83, the United Nations standard minimum rules for the treatment of prisoners, known as the Mandela Rules, require “independent review and not judicial oversight.” Let me repeat that: Mandela Rules require independent review, not judicial oversight.
In addition, when the Correctional Investigator specifically addressed Bill C-83, he recommended the independent chairperson model, which is a system of independent adjudicators appointed by the minister. The bill provides for this independent adjudication by way of independent external decision makers, so-called IEDMs.
I’d like to stress at this time the independence of these external decision makers. Work is currently under way and the government is seeking to appoint experienced members, lawyers, mediators, civil servants, many of whom will likely have experience working on other boards, tribunals or commissions. The law requires that they not have worked at Correctional Services in the five years preceding their appointment and that they have knowledge of administrative decision-making processes. Throughout the review process, their work will be entirely independent from public servants and political actors.
The IEDM process is in addition to the review by the warden at five and 30 days and by the commissioner at 60 days and every 60 days thereafter, alternating with the reviews of the IEDM.
It is clear, honourable senators, that judicial oversight is not the only way to protect the rights of inmates. It is plainly not the only path to Charter compliance.
I appreciate that some honourable senators would feel more comfortable with Bill C-83 if a judge were systematically part of the process. This sentiment is linked to the desire to ensure the constitutionality of the bill. I’ll turn now to the question of constitutionality.
The very nature of the laws that govern our correctional system is that they place restrictions on a person’s freedom. It is, therefore, inevitable that they engage certain Charter rights and that they be subject to legal challenges. Neither I nor anyone else in this chamber can substitute our conclusions for that of the justices who may be called upon to evaluate Bill C-83’s provision at some point in the future, should this bill pass, but there are good reasons to agree with the government’s position that Bill C-83 is constitutional. I’d like to get to that.
I acknowledge that some in this chamber may end up having a different perspective on the constitutional analysis. The government and I may not persuade all of you and I respect that. Before I get into the legal analysis, I’d like to make a few points about what I see as the Senate’s role in considering the judicial oversight amendment that the house has decided to reject.
If there’s one thing we know, it’s that constitutional law is arguable, particularly in the abstract. In some instances, Senate amendments brought on constitutional grounds can limit court challenges to federal legislation. At the very least, such concerns may prompt the government and the other place to think twice as was done, for example, in 2016 for Bill C-14, and now for Bill C-83, where many changes were, in fact, accepted. However, Charter compliance issues are rarely black and white. In my view, at this stage, it is neither fair nor balanced to assert with little nuance that Bill C-83 is not constitutional without the judicial oversight amendment, as though the matter was settled law. In fact, frankly, it is nowhere near settled law.
Where there is a lingering ambiguity, once the Senate has made its concerns clear to Canadians, the government and the other place, the appropriate forum to resolve the issues with finality is the judicial branch. This is uniquely an environment where each litigant has a guaranteed procedural right to make a full case with the benefit of an exhaustive evidentiary record before an impartial decision maker. The courts are best equipped and constitutionally empowered to assess, with the benefit of complete arguments from both sides, whether there is a limitation to a protected right or freedom and, if so, whether the breach is justified in a free and democratic society.
With respect to Bill C-83, the government is confident its constitutionality will be upheld. The government’s rationale involves the following considerations.
Let us first look at the litigation surrounding administrative segregation, the current approach for dealing with inmates who cannot safely be housed in the general population.
In the last few years, the Ontario Superior Court, the Ontario Court of Appeal and the Supreme Court of British Columbia have all rendered decisions about the constitutionality of administrative segregation. The Ontario Superior Court has made findings on a related class action. These are important rulings and they can definitely inform our deliberations. However, if we try to apply them directly to Bill C-83, we run into several significant obstacles.
For one thing, there are many inconsistencies between the various court decisions. In the class action, for example, the court found breaches of the Charter section 7 protections of life, liberty and security of the person, and section 12, which prohibits cruel and unusual treatment. However, in the case brought by the Canadian Civil Liberties Association in Ontario, the Superior Court found that the law does not violate section 12, and it found that a change to the oversight mechanism would be sufficient to bring it in line with section 7.
The Ontario Court of Appeal did find a section 12 violation but upheld the rest of the initial ruling. That contrasts with the findings of the court in B.C., which did not find a violation of section 12 but did find broader infringement of section 7, as well as infringement of section 15, which protects equality rights.
As for the direction provided by the courts, the Ontario court favoured internal review of placements in administrative segregation, which it said can meet the constitutional standard for fairness as long as the review is conducted by a correctional officer who does not report to the initial decision maker. In B.C., on the other hand, the court found that the reviewer must be external to correctional services.
The B.C. court ruled that segregated inmates have a right to counsel at review hearings and that administrative segregation is prohibited for inmates with mental illness and/or disability, although the court did not define those terms.
On these points, the courts in Ontario have not made equivalent findings. In fact, the class action specifically involves inmates with serious mental illness, yet the court did not agree that their placement in administrative segregation resulted in an immediate Charter breach.
There are also inconsistencies in regard to the length of time that inmates in general may spend in administrative segregation. The Ontario Superior Court had no cap. The B.C. court had a cap without specifying a limit. The Ontario court capped at 15 days, while the judge in the class action case found that Charter breaches occurred after 60 days for inmates voluntarily in administrative segregation and after 30 days for involuntary placements.
Understandably, one of the reasons the government has appealed the various rulings is the need to reconcile all of these discrepancies. If anything, going back to my comments about the Senate role at this stage in the process, the collection of cases pertaining to the now invalidated administrative segregation provisions shows that this is a highly complex field of law that is evolving and is far from being settled or black and white.
Bill C-83 proposes to replace that system with SIUs, segregated intervention units. In due course, the courts may ultimately review the new regime on its own merits, which brings me to the next difficulty with applying these court findings to Bill C-83. The litigation is ongoing. We are currently awaiting a decision from the B.C. Court of Appeal about the findings in that province, and when that comes, it is quite possible that at least one of the parties will appeal to the Supreme Court of Canada.
In the case involving the Canadian Civil Liberties Association, leave to appeal to the Supreme Court is already being sought and the class action is also under appeal. In other words, there is no judicial finality about any of this — a point that was raised in the letter from the Honourable Ministers Goodale and Lametti earlier this week.
If the task were simply to modify the existing system of administrative segregation to comply with the court findings, we wouldn’t know which of the findings to comply with or which findings might end up being overturned or altered on appeal.
Crucially, though, Bill C-83 does not propose simply to modify the existing system. The court’s analysis and findings have all related to administrative segregation. Bill C-83 introduces a new system of segregated intervention units that differs in a substantial way from the practice of administrative segregation. We cannot presume that limitations placed by the courts on the use of the first system apply equally to the second.
I know there have been questions about whether the differences between administrative segregation and SIUs are truly significant, so let’s examine those differences.
Under the new SIU system proposed in Bill C-83, inmates will be offered twice the number of hours out of the cell, meaning a minimum of four rather than two. They will have far greater access to dedicated programs and interventions. They will be offered at least two hours of meaningful human contact every day. With the current system of administrative segregation, inmates have minimal access to programs and other rehabilitative interventions and meaningful interactions with other people can be rare.
“Meaningful human contact” is a term drawn directly from the United Nations Mandela Rules regarding the treatment of prisoners. In SIUs, meaningful human contact will include interactions with staff, volunteers, elders, chaplains, visitors and other compatible inmates. The distinctions between the two systems are more than significant. They are, in fact, fundamental.
Further, the bill includes a review of SIU placement at five working days by a correctional officer with the authority to overturn the initial decision, as well as an external review if inmates don’t get their minimum hours out of the cell and meaningful contact after five consecutive days. The current system only provides for review under the authority of the warden, and the latter is not bound by the reviewer’s decision.
For all of the reasons I’ve outlined — the inconsistent court findings, the ongoing appeals and the fundamental differences between administrative segregation and SIUs — the court decisions do not allow us to reach any definitive conclusions about the constitutionality of Bill C-83. We must, therefore, examine the bill on its own constitutional merits.
As outlined in the Charter Statement prepared by the Minister of Justice, the provisions of Bill C-83 that deal with SIUs potentially engage sections 7, 12 and 15 of the Charter.
Section 7 provides the right to life, liberty and security of the person may only be limited “in accordance with the principles of fundamental justice.” Because the transfer of an inmate to an SIU would impose additional constraints and conditions on the inmate, it would engage their residual right to liberty and potentially their right to security of the person.
The question, therefore, is whether the limits on these rights permitted by Bill C-83 are in line with the principles of fundamental justice.
As the courts have found, one of the principles of fundamental justice is procedural fairness, and Bill C-83 contains numerous elements to provide for procedural fair decision making. To begin with, the grounds for initial placement and continued confinement in an SIU are clearly articulated. Within one working day, an inmate must receive oral reasons for their transfer and written reasons within two working days.
As indicated in the letter sent by Minister Goodale, internal reviews of the SIU placements move continually up the chain of command from the initial decision made by a staff member to the reviews by the warden on the fifth and thirtieth days and subsequent reviews by the commissioner. This supports procedural fairness by ensuring that reviewers are outside the circle of influence of the person whose decisions they’re reviewing.
Crucially, for the first time ever in Canadian federal corrections, Bill C-83 creates a system of binding, independent external oversight with the creation of the independent external decision-makers.
The independent external decision-makers will intervene when an inmate has not had four hours out of their cell or received two hours of meaningful human contact for five days in a row or 15 out of 30. The external decision-makers will also review placements when a health-care professional’s recommendation is not being followed, and at the 90-day mark and every 60 days thereafter for any inmate who still remains in an SIU.
The bill requires Correctional Service Canada to provide external decision-makers with any information they request. Within reasonable time limitations, external decision-makers must provide all the information they were considering to the inmate. Inmates are entitled to make written representations, and decision-makers are entitled to communicate with them. All decisions by the independent external decision-makers can be reviewed by the federal court. Even without the involvement of a provincial Superior court, these measures combine to create a review system with substantial protections for procedural fairness.
Another important principle of fundamental justice under section 7 of the Charter is that limits on liberty and security of the person may not be arbitrary, overbroad or grossly disproportionate. According to the Supreme Court of Canada, arbitrariness asks whether there is a direct connection between the purpose of the law and the impugned effect on the individual, in the sense that the effect on the individual bears some relation to the law’s purpose. Overbreadth is a matter of whether the law is so broad in scope that it includes some conduct that bears no relation to its purpose. Gross disproportionality refers to situations where the deprivation of rights is totally out of sync with the objective of the measure.
With Bill C-83, there is a direct link between any limits on liberty and security of the person, and the purpose of the segregated unit. There are several provisions designated to ensure that an inmate’s confinement in an SIU remains closely and rationally connected to the law’s objectives at all times.
The bill clearly establishes that the reasons for transferring someone to an SIU are to protect the security of the penitentiary and the safety of the people in it, as well as to prevent interference in ongoing criminal investigations or serious disciplinary investigations. Inmates may not only be transferred to an SIU if there is no reasonable alternative, they must be transferred out as soon as possible. These limitations are backed up by the review process I’ve outlined, which exists in part to ensure that any continued confinements remain directly connected to the bill’s security objectives.
Closely related to section 7 rights is section 12 of the Charter, which prohibits cruel and unusual treatment. Canadian courts have found that incarceration is not per se cruel and unusual, including when inmates are transferred to conditions that are more restrictive than those of the general population in the prison. As explained by the Supreme Court of Canada, such treatment may be cruel and unusual in circumstances where its effects are so excessive as to outrage standards of decency. Therefore, the material conditions of detention are crucially important.
On this point, it is worth noting that the various courts have examined the existing system of administrative segregation and have disagreed about where it violates section 12. Compared with administrative segregation, the conditions of detention and SIUs will be significantly improved. As well as being entitled to twice as much time out of their cells and meaningful human contact for at least two hours every day, inmates in SIUs will benefit from significant investments that the government is making in mental health care and rehabilitative services.
Over the next six years, the government has allocated $448 million to accompany the implementation of this bill. That includes approximately $300 million to hire hundreds of new employees, including parole officers, program officers, Aboriginal liaison officers, behavioural counsellors and others, specifically to provide programs and interventions to inmates in SIUs. Also, $150 million over six years will be spent hiring new mental health professionals to work in SIUs and throughout federal corrections.
This funding reinforces provisions of Bill C-83 that protect the independence of health-care providers within the corrections system and empower them to intervene when they believe an inmate should be transferred out of an SIU or have their conditions changed for medical reasons. Once again, there will be regular internal reviews and binding independent external oversight to help prevent any individual inmate from falling through the cracks. All of these services and resources, and the entitlement to meaningful human contact every day, support the government’s position that Bill C-83 is consistent with both sections 7 and 12.
Finally, as noted in the Charter statement, Bill C-83 potentially engages equality rights protections under section 15. This section of the Charter prohibits discrimination, including on the basis of race, national or ethnic origin, colour, religion, sex, age, mental or physical disability. There is no question that certain groups are overrepresented in federal penitentiaries. That includes Indigenous peoples, people of African descent and people with mental illness. It is important that the laws governing our corrections system includes safeguards to avoid adverse effects on particular groups, and, indeed, Bill C-83 does.
Under Bill C-83, each inmate’s circumstances and experience of placement in an SIU will be individually and repeatedly assessed. The bill requires Correctional Service Canada to consider systemic and background factors when making decisions affecting Indigenous inmates.
The mental health investments and the enhanced role of medical professionals will help ensure adequate care for inmates with mental illness. SIUs will be subject to subsection 87(a) of the existing act requiring consideration of an inmate’s state of health and health-care needs. Bill C-83 expands subsection 4(g) of the current act, which requires that CSC respect and be responsive to the needs of the full diversity of its population.
For these reasons, Bill C-83 complies with section 15 protections of equal rights, as well.
In short, the measures introduced in Bill C-83, which include robust review mechanisms, are designed to ensure that SIUs will be used as intended: as a last resort, for as little time as possible, in the interests of safety and rehabilitation.
Senators, I thank you for your attention to this point. I’ve gone on at some length because these are important matters and this is an important bill. While I appreciate the intent of the proposal to add judicial oversight, appropriate procedural safeguards for the new SIU systems can be put in place without placing additional burdens on the courts and provinces.
I hope I have made clear why I believe Bill C-83 is consistent with the Charter and why judicial oversight of the SIU placements is unnecessary and, for practical purposes, undesirable.
Before I conclude, there is one final and more basic point that should be emphasized. Quite simply, this bill will make our corrections system better than it is right now. I say this as a former deputy solicitor general of some 30 years ago, when I see how the system has evolved to this point.
The new system is designed to provide continued access to interventions and programs even when inmates are separated from the general population. A new system and new resources will mean better mental health care for federal inmates, including those separated from the general population, as a better early diagnosis and treatment that could potentially prevent and reduce the need for separation.
The new system will be overseen by independent external reviewers with decision-making authority as opposed to the current system’s review mechanisms, which are entirely internal. The new system entitles inmates to twice as much time out of their cells and meaningful human contact for at least two hours every day, unlike the current system where there’s no legal requirement to offer any meaningful contact at all.
Those are on top of all the other elements of Bill C-83, which I’ve not focused on in this debate. Those include the introduction of patient advocates, protection of professional independence of health-care workers, mandatory consideration of systemic and background factors for Indigenous inmates, use of body-scanner technology to reduce the need for strip searches, reintroduction of the principle of least restrictive measures as consistent with safety and greater access to recordings of parole hearings for victims of crime.
Let me be clear: This will not solve all of the problems of Correctional Service Canada, some of which involve addressing fundamental issues of organizational culture. It may not go as far as some honourable senators would like or do exactly what some honourable senators would like it to do, but it will make the federal corrections system better. It represents a significant reform to current practices. The rights of inmates will be enhanced with the passing of this bill.
This bill has benefited from deliberations in this Senate. This house has made its concerns clear to Canadians, the government and the other place. Ministers Goodale and Lametti have heard the issues raised by the Senate and have engaged in a discussion that doesn’t have to end with this bill. The debate over this bill clearly demonstrates an interest among us for improving Canada’s corrections system. That’s a very good thing.
If we want to, we can come back in the fall and develop new and innovative measures to further strengthen Canadian corrections, but today I believe the Senate should defer to the elected chamber and the government its ultimate accountability for the policy choice it has made.
To insist on further amendments in the final days of this Parliament could put the benefits of the bill in peril, with the direct impact on the inmates whose well-being is addressed. If we don’t adopt this bill, there could be a serious legislative vacuum as early as this summer when the current law is set to expire. A responsible government cannot allow this to happen.
The reality that inmates sometimes need to be separated for safety reasons has been acknowledged by the Correctional Investigator, by the John Howard Society, by the courts and by former inmates themselves. In the words of the British Columbia Court of Appeal:
Administrative segregation or a more appropriate alternative regime must be in place to protect inmates who would be exposed to risk in the general population and to provide safety for persons who work in penitentiaries.
Bill C-83 is that more appropriate model. Even if it is not what all honourable senators would consider ideal, I would suggest that we accept this message and make Bill C-83 law.