Honourable senators, when shall this bill be read the third time?

Honourable senators, with leave of the Senate and notwithstanding rule 5-5(b), I move that the bill be read the third time now.

Is leave granted, honourable senators?

Hon. Senators: Agreed.

Honourable senators, I rise today to move third reading of Bill C-14, A second Act respecting certain measures in response to COVID-19. I want to thank all of you for being here today, and thanks as well to our dedicated staff who always make sure that we can get our jobs done and done well.

I would also take a minute to recognize the departmental officials who have worked tirelessly to finalize Bill C-14 and, previously, Bill C-13: Andrew Marsland, Miodrag Jovanovic, Maude Lavoie, Brian Ernewein, Ted Cook and Trevor McGowan. They deserve our gratitude for their Herculean efforts.

We are facing an unprecedented crisis, and Canadians are counting on us, their legislators, to work on their behalf. Colleagues, our quick and decisive passage of Bill C-14 will help businesses and workers weather the storm that so many people are facing. In addition, it will send a positive and reassuring signal to the millions of Canadians forced to struggle with the crisis. Canada’s COVID-19 economic response plan consists of a comprehensive package of measures to support Canadians: $107 billion in direct support, $85 billion in liquidity support through the deferral of taxes and GST/HST and customs duties payments, and more than $570 billion in additional credit and liquidity supports.

Bill C-14 brings in key measures to support Canadian workers and businesses. The Canadian Emergency Wage Subsidy measure will assist businesses that are hardest hit by the COVID-19 pandemic and will help protect jobs on which Canadians depend. This subsidy aims to prevent further job losses and encourage employers to re-hire those workers previously laid off as a result of COVID-19. It is designed to position employers to more easily resume normal operations following the crisis.

As the situation evolved and with the input and cooperation of all legislators, the government decided that an enhanced subsidy was needed for those hardest hit by the crisis. Bill C-14 would apply at a rate of 75% of the first $58,700 normally earned by employees. This represents a benefit of up to $847 per week, per employee. The program would be in place beginning March 15 to June 6, 2020. Colleagues, that would provide payroll support estimated at $73 billion.

This wage subsidy would be available to employers of all sizes and across all sectors of the economy, with the exception of public sector entities. Bakeries, movie theatres, hardware stores — you name it — if you’ve been significantly impacted by COVID-19, you could be eligible.

Eligibility would require an employer to attest to a drop in gross revenues of at least 15% in March of this year and 30% in April or May. To determine the revenue drop, businesses may choose to compare revenues to the same month in 2019 or take the average of January and February 2020 revenues.

The revenue drop test of 15% for March recognizes that a significant number of businesses were required to shut down operations by provincial governments by mid to late March.

For added flexibility, once an employer is found eligible for a specific period, the employer would automatically qualify for the next period of the program. For example, an employer with a revenue drop of more than 15% in March would qualify for the first and second periods of program covering remuneration paid between March 15 and May 9. Similarly, an employer with a revenue drop of 30% in April would qualify for the second and third periods of the program covering remuneration paid between May 10 and June 6.

Non-profit organizations and registered charities also enjoy the same flexibility with respect to the revenue drop. This sector, which is very important during this crisis, is under all kinds of financial pressure. As a result, non-profit organizations and charities will be able to choose whether to include or exclude government revenue when calculating their revenue drop.

The Canada Emergency Wage Subsidy is key to protecting jobs during this period of uncertainty and to ensuring that workers have steady income to meet their families’ needs. This will enable employers to rehire the workers they had to lay off and keep those who are still working.

To make sure the subsidy is used properly, the government is putting in place strict anti-fraud measures. Businesses will designate an officer to attest to the accuracy of the firm’s claims. If it is found that an employer has artificially reduced its revenue in order to qualify for a subsidy, a 25% penalty of the subsidy received will be imposed. Furthermore, employers who make a false or deceptive statement may face up to five years in prison.

This program is there to benefit employers who have been hardest hit. It’s for businesses big and small, non-profits and registered charities to make sure they can keep employees, re-hire them, and be positioned to quickly restore operations when this crisis passes. As an example, if a small family-owned business employing 25 people was ordered to shut down in mid-March, it would qualify for this subsidy. If the average salary per employee was $4,250 monthly, the company would qualify for a wage subsidy of $79,688 per month for the total benefit of $239,063 over the next three months. This amounts to 75% of the total monthly payroll. It would allow the company to keep its 25 employees throughout this crisis. As well, the company can defer payment of income tax amounts owing until after August 31, 2020, allowing financial flexibility to address immediate needs. Payments of GST/HST as well as customs duty payments on imports can also be deferred until June 30.

The government is constantly collecting comments and views from stakeholders, elected officials, senators, as well as provinces and territories relating to all the measures being implemented. This includes identifying gaps, which there certainly will be when a program of this magnitude is developed so quickly. For example, the North and rural and remote parts of the country have unique circumstances that will be supported. The government is also committed to pre-commercial companies as well as those whose revenue drop is anticipated months from now. These may require different tools if the accrual alternative currently offered is not sufficient. But, senators, it is too early to propose alternatives at this time. The design of the revenue model in Bill C-14 deals with drops in cash flow today. However, the government will continue to listen to input and is committed to providing support for different sectors and different businesses as needed.

Honourable senators, the assistance that was put in place through Bill C-13, COVID-19 Emergency Response Act, are considered emergency measures. Accordingly, with the passage of Bill C-14, these measures will be sunsetted on September 30.

Colleagues, all levels of government — municipal, provincial and federal — have been clear that they will do whatever it takes to protect the health and safety of Canadians, stabilize the economy and mitigate the economic impact of this pandemic. All legislators need to address the impact of the pandemic with the right tools in the right sequence and at the right time.

I am asking all honourable senators to support Bill C-14 so that we can help Canadians at this critical time and set the country up for success in the recovery that will come. Thank you for your very kind attention.

Honourable senators, I want to begin once again by saying that our thoughts and prayers are with every Canadian affected by COVID-19, and especially those who have lost family or friends due to this virus. The passing of a loved one is difficult at any time, but right now, the loss is even more acute because of quarantine requirements which can steal precious time from families wanting to be with their loved ones during their final days.

I also want to express my heartfelt thanks to all of those who are on the frontlines of this pandemic. From our health care workers to our truck drivers, to our grocery store clerks, we thank you for your service.

On a personal note, colleagues, I would like to wish all of you and all those watching a very happy Easter.

Today we commemorate the pause day between the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ. It was a day of uncertainty, anxiety and fear for Jesus’s disciples, because they did not realize that tomorrow would bring the resurrection which would change everything.

I know that Easter will be very different for all of us this year, but I pray that in the midst of it we will all find joy and fresh hope for tomorrow.

Colleagues, the legislation before us today is Bill C-14, A second Act respecting certain measures in response to COVID-19. This bill implements the Canada emergency wage subsidy, and it’s the second act because the first one was simply inadequate.

You will recall that the last time we were in this chamber — just two weeks ago — I asked the Minister of Finance why he chose to go with a wage subsidy of only 10%. The U.K. was using 80% and Denmark 75%.

The minister’s response was bewildering. He said that he needed to correct me and that the government’s program was, in fact, similar to the U.K.’s and better than Denmark’s. I am still trying to understand how a 10% wage subsidy can be better than a 75% wage subsidy, but the questioning moved on.

Only two days later the government made a sudden U-turn and announced that they were now going to provide a 75% wage subsidy after all. Less than 48 hours earlier, the finance minister had been indignant that I would question whether their plan was sufficient and acted like it was the best in the world. Now they were hastily throwing another $71 billion into the pot to address the specific shortcomings that we had pointed out and they had denied needing.

Colleagues, there is something wrong with this picture, and I take no satisfaction in pointing it out. It was like arriving at a house fire only to realize that the firefighters do not have enough water in their tanks.

The fact that we needed to point this out alarmed me, and it continues to alarm me today, because bad judgment, poor planning, wrong turns and slow responses have become the pattern for this government, not the exception.

We are repeatedly assured by the Prime Minister that his government has everything in hand, is monitoring things very closely and is adhering to the best medical and scientific advice, only to find out later that they have done too little and have done it too late.

Consider the government’s response when China finally confirmed they had a coronavirus outbreak in Wuhan. While other countries moved quickly to start screening airline passengers and prohibiting travel from China, the Prime Minister insisted that we should carry on as usual and just wash our hands.

Two days later, while Taiwan had already begun quarantining travellers from China, our government’s top health official tweeted out that if Canadians were travelling to Wuhan, they should just contact their health care provider if they began to feel ill after returning. There was no mention of screening, testing or quarantine, but just a recommendation that if returning travellers had symptoms, they should consider going into isolation for 14 days.

Only three days later, on January 25, Canada announced its first COVID-19 case. It was from none other than a person who had recently travelled to Wuhan, China.

Liberal Minister of Health, Patricia Hajdu, assured Canadians that the government was taking measures. They had to — wait for this — put messages on arrival screens in the airports and placed additional health screening questions on electronic kiosks used by international travellers.

We were supposed to believe that these efforts reflected the best medical and scientific advice available to protect Canadians.

Needless to say, colleagues, not everyone was convinced. Only two days later a second case of COVID-19 was reported in Canada.

Conservative MP Matt Jeneroux rose to his feet in the house and asked:

. . . how can Canadians be assured that this spread is being properly contained?

Minister Hajdu said:

. . . the risk to Canadians remains low. Our systems continue to work extremely closely together . . .

It was hardly a reassuring reply.

So Conservative MP Todd Doherty took a shot at it when he asked:

When will the government institute a real plan that includes an enhanced screening process?

Minister Hajdu gave a typical non-answer:

We have multiple measures to alert travellers from the affected regions about what to do if they suspect that they have the illness. We have trained our CBSA officers to ensure that they have the tools that they need to support people who may be ill. . . .

It was like the government was oblivious to the fact that this virus posed a real danger to Canadians, even though other countries were already in advanced stages of infection, lockdown and quarantine.

For the next month and a half, the Liberal government would continue to insist there was no reason to screen passengers, test arrivals, restrict travel or close borders. Voluntary isolation was sufficient, we were told. And even then, it was only necessary for those who were showing symptoms.

While the virus walked, flew and drove across our borders, this government was asleep at the wheel.

As late as March 13, the Prime Minister was still defending his inaction when he said:

We will recall that a number of weeks ago in the beginnings there was discussion of whether or not we should entirely close our borders to China the way the United States did. We did not. We were able to manage it in a way that allowed for control and a non-spread of the virus that gives us confidence that our public health officials are giving us the right recommendations for Canada.

It’s like he was giving us a virtual pat on the head while giving himself a pat on the back.

Then, only three days later, he abruptly changed direction, announcing that Canada was now closing its borders by restricting international flights. It’s like he woke up. Well, sort of, because there would still be no effective screening, testing or mandatory quarantine for arrivals.

Colleagues, I could go on and on. This government has repeatedly and tragically mishandled this crisis by doing too little, too late: too little because they didn’t want to offend anyone by closing the borders, and too late, because by the time they did take action, we had already imported the pandemic and were experiencing community transmission; too little because they sent our surplus protective equipment over to China, only to realize — too late — that we would need the equipment ourselves; too little because they insisted that testing was not necessary for international travellers coming to Canada. Too late, because although passengers with symptoms are no longer allowed to board a plane to Canada, they are still not being tested when they arrive.

Colleagues, let me suggest that by consistently fumbling its management of the health crisis, this government has led us straight into an economic crisis. Imagine if, instead of patting us all on the head for two months and telling us to run along, the Prime Minister had taken definitive action. Imagine if even one month ago we had been called here to pass a bill to put $71 billion into our health care system in order to protect our front-line health care workers; expand intensive care units; properly equip seniors’ homes; ramp up extensive testing across the country; erect temporary hospitals; and ensure an ample supply of face masks, ventilators and other critical supplies.

Imagine the difference this would have made, but it never happened. So instead, we find ourselves scrambling to help Canadians keep their jobs, pay their rent and buy their groceries while being asked to accept the fact that between 11,000 and 22,000 Canadians might die.

I realize that even if the government had acted quickly, pre-emptively and courageously, there still would have been an economic impact. But by consistently doing too little, too late to protect the health of Canadians, by downplaying the risk and wasting valuable time, they have dramatically escalated the economic fallout.

And now they are repeating this pattern by doing too little, too late to protect the financial well-being of Canadians. Consider that it took until March 18 for the government to announce its COVID-19 Economic Response Plan. It planned for $27 billion in direct support for Canadians and another $55 billion to meet liquidity needs. It was like bringing a squirt gun to a dumpster fire, and everyone except the government seemed to know this. Even after the government backtracked on their 10% wage subsidy and announced they were increasing it to 75%, a survey of 651 CEOs by the Council of Canadian Innovators revealed that 94% of their companies would be ineligible for the program because of its restrictive criteria.

The Canadian Federation of Independent Business surveyed their members and found that the wage subsidy would only help one third of them.

It makes you wonder who the government was actually consulting before drafting this legislation. We know that they huddled with their cabinet committee and deputy ministers, but what about the businesses it was supposed to help?

Senators Anderson, Duncan and Patterson noted in a joint letter to the Minister of Finance that this bill excludes major industries and sectors in the territories and throughout rural and Northern Canada. Apparently the government didn’t even bother to talk to them. But these senators did. They quickly found out that non-revenue-generating businesses such as mineral exploration companies, junior mining companies, construction companies and tech start-ups don’t qualify. This will cause a domino effect with negative implications for the seasonal hospitality industry, and the Indigenous businesses involved with the active resource sectors are all going to be left out in the cold. This is alarming.

Essential workers get up every day and leave the safety of their homes to serve their country. Perhaps the Prime Minister should have done the same and gone in to the office to pick up the phone and properly consult with Canadians instead of choosing to stay at his cottage long after his 14-day isolation had ended.

Colleagues, the legislation before us implements the Canada emergency wage subsidy. This program is appropriately named because households and businesses across the nation are facing emergency financial needs. But I can assure you, colleagues, that when you are responding to an emergency, one of the worst things that can happen is to arrive on the scene with too little of what you need. But the very worst thing that can happen is to show up too late.

In the middle of the worst crisis of the last 100 years, this government is consistently doing both: too little, too late. They are reactionary, not visionary, and they are taking a piecemeal approach, which is leaving thousands upon thousands of Canadians to fall through the cracks, which are now bigger than the floorboards.

Our Conservative caucus will allow speedy passage of this legislation today, colleagues, because Canadians need it badly. But what Canadians need even more is better leadership from this government. And for the sake of the nation, I hope they get it. Thank you.

Honourable senators, when I spoke to the first COVID economic response bill, Bill C-13, less than two weeks ago, I lamented the fact that 25 Canadians had died from the novel coronavirus. That number has risen to nearly 700 and it continues to rise.

In the meantime, the number of businesses which have suspended operations or closed down altogether has risen many fold, with over 1 million Canadians thrown out of work. A staggering 5.6 million claims have already been received under the COVID-19 economic relief benefit, which was part of the bill we approved on March 25.

If anyone was in any doubt about the need for a deeper and broader economic response package to the current health crisis, the events of the last two weeks alone should put those doubts to rest.

That is why we are here today — to consider a set of expanded COVID-19 responses by way of Bill C-14.

I want to start by acknowledging our colleagues in the other place who have worked very hard to come to an agreement on this bill in a relatively short period of time. I support this bill and look forward to voting it into law later today.

I also look forward to the establishment of a COVID-19 oversight mechanism whereby two Senate standing committees will be able to monitor the progress of Team Canada’s response to the current crisis and to offer constructive feedback on the actions taken. Likewise, I welcome the creation of a COVID-19 special committee at a later date that will be able to consider, with the benefit of hindsight, lessons learned from this crisis and how Canada can be better prepared for future pandemics and other health system emergencies.

The other place has established its own oversight mechanism, so it is important that our committees not duplicate the efforts of the House of Commons. The last thing we should be inflicting now on our public officials who are on the front lines of the crisis is armchair criticism or duplication of other oversight efforts. That is why the Senate, as a less partisan institution than the House of Commons, must rise to the role that it is especially well suited for.

I am not referring so much to the cliché of “sober second thought,” since we surely will not be dealing with much legislation during this crisis period, but to the inherent qualities of an upper chamber that allow it to be more detached from politics, less tied to the here and now and, therefore, more forward-looking. Even though it is hard for anyone to see a horizon beyond the health and economic turmoil that we are currently living through, it is precisely the Senate that should be looking for that horizon and thinking beyond the horizon of COVID-19.

Colleagues, there are so many dimensions as to what “looking over the horizon” might mean, and this is not the time to go into all of those issues, but I will flag just a few for us to think about:

First, we should reflect on the distributional effects of the COVID-19 health crisis as well as the distributional effects of the economic response measures that have been put in place to counter the health crisis. It is a sad truth that when economies face major financial crises, the measures that are put in place to solve those crises — however laudable — often end up benefiting those who were better off before the crisis than those who were less well off.

To the extent that income and wealth inequality was already creating stress in Canadian society, we must make sure that it does not create even more stress because of the choices made in our response to the crisis.

Second, we should be thinking about what the COVID-19 crisis is telling us about the Canadian social compact and Canadians’ understanding of what constitutes a national social safety net. There has been an extraordinary discussion in this country over the past few weeks in the public domain — and today during Committee of the Whole — about making sure that no one falls through the cracks. That is an extraordinary discussion that this country is having, and it surely reflects a thinking among the Canadian public of how the Canadian social compact has evolved and what we conceive to be an appropriate Canadian social safety net.

There are many questions raised by this evolving — I don’t want to say consensus, but this evolving mood about the determination to not let Canadians be left behind. There are questions around the role of government and its importance for society. There are questions around the tolerance of debt and deficits. There are questions around the expectations of citizens, and there are many important questions and important new ideas about notions of welfare and notions of income support.

Third, there is the vital question already raised by some colleagues in this chamber around when to restart the economy and how to do so. Prime Minister Trudeau has been quoted saying that our economy will come back roaring:

. . . I know that if we pull together, our economy will come roaring back after this crisis.

I certainly hope that is true, but colleagues, we cannot assume that it will be the case.

As I said in my previous speech on Bill C-13, the best way to ensure that the economy is protected is to make sure that the health crisis is dealt with as fully as possible so that rates of infection fall to manageable levels and/or there are therapeutics in place to deal with the disease.

It is too early for the government and the opposition to talk about restarting the economy, and we heard that again from Minister Morneau. But it is not too early for an independent Senate, drawing on the best minds in the country, to think about that question. The key to answering that question is having good data and applying it to a variety of models that can help us come to a proper understanding of the costs and the risks associated with any relaxation of restrictions on economic activity.

Much of this data already exists, but there should be a centralized repository that can make this data available to researchers across the country and around the world so that they can do their modelling work. It is not too early for government to put resources to this kind of effort and to make it a high priority.

Fourth, even if the economy does come roaring back, it will be a different economy from what we know today. Sectors of the economy and, certainly, a number of individual businesses will be permanently damaged because of new business models, because of the acceleration of secular trends in the economy, because of political reflex due to social pressures and, very importantly, because of behavioural changes. It would not be appropriate to withhold support to industries in the current crisis that are affected by longer-term structural challenges that have been exacerbated by the COVID-19 crisis. The human cost of economic dislocation is real, and it must be addressed in any relief package, even if the ultimate source of the dislocation came from sources beyond the current health crisis.

But it would be irresponsible for any government to not be mindful of what the proximate causes as opposed to fundamental or structural changes are that are driving certain industries and causing difficulties for industries that extend well beyond this health crisis. It is more important than ever, therefore, colleagues, that we think about the new economy and that we think about how Canada cannot just get through this crisis but must get through it in a way that positions the country for the future.

Fifth, we need to think about the international economic context, which is changing as fast as the domestic economic context that I just described. There are many in this country and in other countries who are voicing the call for parochialism, for insular economics, for isolationism and for protectionism. We need to reject those calls and continue to focus on how Canada can only thrive if it is part of a global economy.

Of course, things will not be the same as they were before. All businesses will have to look at concepts such as second sourcing or business redundancy and maybe even some degree of self-sufficiency when it comes to a number of strategic sectors. But this is not the time to be talking about putting up tariff barriers or other protectionist measures simply because of a political reflex to the health and economic challenges of the day.

Colleagues, there are many other issues that are just over the horizon and which the Senate should be thinking about. I don’t have time to go into all of them, but they include, for example, how a post-COVID-19 world will affect international relations, particularly great power relations, multilateral cooperation, refugee movements and techno-nationalism. These are all topics for another day.

But how will we do any of this work if we are not meeting? How will it be possible for the Senate to play a role during a time of social distancing and in a context where we meet so infrequently?

Let me, first of all, recognize and thank His Honour for his leadership in initiating some activity around the investigation of technical, logistical and administrative solutions for the Senate and its committees to meet remotely. I also want to thank the Senate administration for the work they have already done in exploring these options. I know CIBA has also done some work in this area.

We heard earlier notice of a motion requesting that the Senate administration continue to put energy into efforts to explore technical and logistical solutions to meeting remotely. This motion reflects a deep desire, or more likely a frustration on the part of many senators at their current inability to discharge fully their duties as parliamentarians.

I would say that it also reflects a desire on the part of many senators, if I may say so, to bring our beloved institution into the 21st century in terms of having the ability to meet remotely. Other parliaments are looking at this issue with great seriousness and great intensity. Other well-functioning organizations much larger than ours are already taking on these challenges and solving them. I recognize we have special needs in this Parliament because of our unique bilingual character and the Rules of the Senate — all of these have to be observed — but it is time for us to address these issues, and there is no better time than now, when we are forced into a situation where we do not have the ability to meet in person.

The House of Commons, as you all know, colleagues, is moving ahead on some of these questions. Only today we learned from the government house leader that, in addition to the two oversight committees that have been established, Health and Finance, the House is going to find a way for at least four other committees to meet remotely: Industry, Human Resources, Government Operations and Procedure.

Colleagues, we don’t know when we will back to our normal sitting pattern. It may well be a long time. That is why we should not squander the opportunity to work on solutions for remote meetings, so that when we do return, it will be to a Senate that has not only proved itself to be responsible and relevant during the current crisis, but also newly equipped to function more effectively, using the many connectivity tools that are already available to Canadians.

Honourable senators, allow me to add my take on Bill C-14 before us. Try not to be surprised, you will probably never have heard me say such things about the current Government of Canada. The situation demands that we all stand united behind those who govern us so they can bring in, as quickly as possible, measures to help our businesses and our workers. Employment is a factor in economic health. There is an urgent need for action, period. Canadians are currently going through a life-changing tragedy. We never imagined what an impact this virus would have. It has already killed far too many people here and around the world.

Despite the best efforts of our health care workers, the list of deaths gets longer every day and it is not over yet. However, like many others, I dare not believe the projections any more. Beyond the deaths, the global economy is in turmoil. Without sometimes staggering, not to say improvised, political interventions, several sectors of the Canadian economy will never recover from the impact of this pandemic. Many businesses, large and small, will face bankruptcy and layoffs will be financially catastrophic for workers and their families. The government must be able to act.

We passed Bill C-13 on March 25, and now along comes Bill C-14. I wouldn’t be surprised to see a Bill C-15 before long. It would be irresponsible to delay matters, and the people anxiously waiting for financial assistance would never forgive us if we did. Let’s agree on one thing: In order to save the economy, we are temporarily abstaining from our duty to ask questions, but we will eventually examine the actions taken by political decision makers. The Senate’s political role is to be a chamber of scrutiny, and I have full confidence that our existing committees, and perhaps other committees that will be formed later on, will ensure that we are able to ask all the necessary questions in the coming weeks and months about what is going on.

In my opinion, now is not the time to object on political grounds to emergency decisions being made to save our citizens, our economy and our country. That being said, I don’t want anyone to think that the stance I’m taking today means I’m being willfully blind. At my age, I still have excellent vision, and I’m perfectly lucid. In exchange for fast-tracking the passage of Bill C-14, I expect unprecedented transparency from Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s government. Democracy demands it.

Prime Minister Trudeau’s government must not spend money recklessly, even during this period. It never found the money needed to buy the medical equipment recommended by various auditing agencies to ensure that Canada would be able to deal with a pandemic. We’re seeing the result of that carelessness today. Canada had money for everything, except what was needed most.

Everything I just said is extremely serious. Audit reports, including one dating back to 2006, have shown that Canada did not have the medical equipment needed to deal with a pandemic. A more recent report showed a lack of ventilators in this country in 2018, and now we are willing to pay a lot more for those ventilators. I was surprised to learn that one of the authors of the 2006 report was Dr. Theresa Tam, the current Chief Public Health Officer of Canada. She could not have been oblivious to the medical equipment shortages in Canada repeatedly exposed over the past decade by experts here and around the world.

If, one day, she agrees to testify before the Senate, it would be interesting to ask her how, on January 29, she concluded that the risk of coronavirus in Canada was very low, especially now that we have learned that the Canadian Armed Forces intelligence unit, which includes scientists like her, had warned the Trudeau government a month earlier about the risk of a coronavirus outbreak in Canada.

I want to be accommodating for the sake of saving our economy, but I will never be accommodating to cover the incompetence that put Canadians in danger.

In addition to reviewing the government’s proposed legislation to provide financial assistance to businesses and corporations, the Senate should definitely look into what information the Prime Minister and some of his ministers had in early January 2020. We may be surprised to learn that the current government did not take our allies’ warnings seriously, which explains why the Prime Minister and his entourage were reckless, negligent and incompetent with respect to the emergence of the virus. We will pay the price, we will get back on our feet, but we will also need to demand accountability from those who failed in their duties.

When one adds to what I just said the fact that Prime Minister Trudeau was very, and I would say almost shamefully, slow to close our borders to foreign nationals, despite the information that he had, there’s reason to be angry. He has demonstrated a total lack of leadership from the beginning of this crisis and in other crises that Canada has experienced since he was re-elected, and I’m not the only one who’s noticed.

To be frank, Prime Minister Trudeau’s lack of leadership in times of crisis is distressing and even worrisome. What’s more, the government’s improvisation has resulted in assistance programs that are unfair and even discriminatory to some Canadians.

I’d like to remind senators that millions of Canadians still don’t have internet access, despite the billions of dollars in investments promised by the Liberals in the 2015 and 2019 election campaigns. Did you know that, in the midst of the crisis, this government was able to immediately process online claims for the monthly $2,000 benefit? How can the government then turn around and tell those who aren’t connected to the internet that it will take 10 more days for their claims to be processed because they’re unable to communicate with the government in that way? That is shameful in 2020.

I will vote in favour of Bill C-14 today anyway. I’m doing it for the good of the economy. I can’t help but condemn the lack of political and economic vision on the part of those currently in government. What happens when we reopen our borders to foreign nationals at some point? We’ll have to do that eventually, but I haven’t seen or heard anything about setting up a health screening system to protect our citizens from travellers who could infect them or set off a second wave of COVID-19.

In the future, the government will have to spend a lot of money on screening immigrants and tourists who come here. We’ll need new regulations and additional investment in border control. Prime Minister Trudeau hasn’t said a thing about that yet despite being so reluctant to close our borders.

If the past few weeks are any indication, we’ll be seeing more costly ad hoc policies when the time comes to open our borders. Will we be lagging behind the United States once again?

Let’s come back to Bill C-14 and the moral obligation I am under to approve it to save our businesses and the jobs that go with them. This bill will allow the Liberals to distribute millions of dollars because the country is in a state of economic emergency. Honestly, I hope that they aren’t doing this in the hope that we will forget their highly questionable decisions since the beginning of this pandemic.

I would remind all senators, as our colleague Senator Dalphond said in an opinion letter published yesterday, that the Senate must perform its duty to provide oversight of political decisions, even during a crisis. We must do so without denying the current government the power to act quickly.

Our committees have shown that they’re good at research and listening, and their reports have always conveyed the fact that senators take major issues facing our society very seriously. We will most certainly have to undertake a thorough analysis of this sad time in the history of our country as soon as we can get back to work.

Off the top, I want to acknowledge that some mistakes can be forgiven, as long as they’re fixed. However, I’d be gravely disappointed if we were to undertake studies and reviews that merely cover up political incompetence and mistakes. Transparency will be a crucial part of what we expect from those making decisions during this pandemic.

When the time comes to do that work, I’ll be vigilant on behalf of the Canadians I represent, and I hope other senators will as well.

In closing, I’d like to offer my sympathies to all Canadians who have lost loved ones during this pandemic and encourage everyone to stay strong. Thank you.

Honourable senators, I rise to speak briefly about Bill C-14, A second Act respecting certain provisions in response to COVID-19.

My words will be the voice of our leader Senator Cordy. Out of courtesy to the former Government Representative and now a non-affiliated senator, Senator Harder, I plan to cede the rest of my allotted time to him.

Before I echo the words of my leader, I would like to say that we in the progressive senators group are a small but feisty group of senators. We are strong believers in the Charter of Rights and Freedoms and of building a new relationship with Canada’s Indigenous peoples. Our motto comes from the Algonquin language Mamidosewin which can mean a meeting place or walking together towards a common goal. In this case, we can use Mamidosewin to work collaboratively during this pandemic for the good of all Canadians.

I will now share the words of Senator Cordy:

Honourable senators, the bill before us today is a much-needed lifeline to employers during an unprecedented time of economic turmoil in this country.

As government COVID-19 response measures remain in place to help contain the virus, Canadian businesses are really feeling the pinch. We have heard that today. Revenues are greatly reduced and in many cases there is little or no revenue. As a result, we are seeing a staggering number of Canadians who are now unemployed. Canada’s jobless rate has soared. In March, it was 7.8% and growing.

The federal government’s Canada Emergency Response Benefit went online this week for Canadians who lost their jobs as a direct result of COVID-19. They are reporting that 3.8 million applications for the CERB program have been made since it launched on Monday, and that Service Canada has processed just over 5.6 million EI claims retroactive to March 15.

Canadian workers and Canadian businesses urgently need their government’s help to get them through this time. I applaud the government’s response efforts, particularly the CERB and the application process that was launched this week. By all accounts, it has been a success. The ease of accessibility to the benefit and the speed at which applicants received the payment in their bank account must be praised.

Now we all have to deal with businesses and give them the tools to stem the tide of job losses and retain staff. I am hopeful that the wage subsidy provided through this legislation will help achieve this.

Unfortunately there will be businesses and organizations that may fall through the cracks of the wage subsidy program. Questions remain how organizations such as charities, not-for-profit and religious organizations or newer businesses will be eligible for this benefit.

The bill before us will help a vast number of Canadian businesses now, but the government must continue to find ways to reach all those organizations that are not served by this legislation.

Honourable senators, as we continue to navigate these difficult and unprecedented times, I want to acknowledge all our health care workers and health care leaders across the country who face new challenges each and every day. I thank them for their dedication and adaptability as new information is regularly presented to them. I also want to thank them for helping to keep us safe and for stepping in to be with our loved ones when they’re most frightened and we’re unable to hold them close.

I want to commend those on the front lines in our grocery stores and pharmacies, at our ports and on our roads keeping supply chains going and those delivering services to our homes such as heating oil and propane. We appreciate the long hours and energy you have put forth while potentially placing yourselves in harm’s way.

Thank you to all our artists and creatives who have come up with initiatives to keep us engaged and entertained to help make endless hours at home bearable.

A big thank you to educators who are finding new ways to reach their students and ensuring they’re continuing to learn at home in virtual classrooms and online activities.

Finally to all Canadians who are staying home and social distancing in order to minimize the spread, your efforts cannot be overstated. To all those who have shown incredible kindness in reaching out and checking in on neighbours, family and friends, I encourage you to continue to do so. While we call it social distancing, perhaps the more appropriate term would be physical distancing. We are by nature social creatures. It is crucial in times like this that we keep mental well-being a top priority, which includes regular contact with cherished loved ones and extending a kind word to those who find themselves alone and vulnerable.

Honourable senators, in conclusion, I again want to say that I fully support the legislation before us today. Canadian businesses and employees are in dire need of the assistance provided through this bill. The sooner the financial support is in the hands of Canadian businesses the better.

To all Canadians watching or listening today and to my colleagues in the Senate, stay safe, stay healthy and please, as Premier McNeil of Nova Scotia says, “. . . stay the blazes home.”

The words of Senator Cordy. Thank you.

Thank you, Senator Munson, for giving me the time to fill the few minutes left.

Honourable senators, we are living through a great disruption. It’s changing how we work, play and live. It affects each farm, village, town and city across Canada and around the world. When and how it ends is still dimly understood.

These extraordinary times require extraordinary efforts by individuals, communities, provinces, the Government of Canada and increasingly international organizations. Today we will be approving one such extraordinary measure to, in effect, significantly subsidize the wages of a large number of Canadians working in business, the not-for-profit and charitable sectors.

This has never been done before in Canada and reflects the unique nature of the challenge before us. The public policy behind this initiative is clear. It is desirable to keep liquidity in our economy, to ensure households can be sustained and to ensure the workforce remains attached to their employment so that we are better able to preserve in the short term the rebound as circumstances allow.

When this initiative was first announced some 10 days ago, I received phone calls from a number of business people who expressed total support and saying they no longer needed to lay off their workforce. They would get by and get ready for the future.

I have heard from not-for-profits and charitable organizations that with this support can begin to plan for the short-term and the longer-term reinvention of their mission.

With this measure alone, we are adding significantly to our collective deficit in the short term to mitigate the costs of the economic downturn and better equip us collectively for a return to more normal economic times. The Government of Canada cannot be the paymaster forever, but it can and must for now. This bill deserves our support.

The great disruption of the past month or so has revealed much about ourselves. I would like to highlight briefly some of what I have observed.

First, Canadian federalism is working. Provincial governments have stepped up and in some cases surprised their citizens by the way in which they have engaged either with the cities in their jurisdictions or with the Government of Canada. A Senate dedicated to the interests of regionalism should take a pause and say collectively: that’s really good. And you only have to look perhaps a few miles south and see that federalism can be under stress in times like this.

While all governments matter, I am increasingly worried personally about the mechanisms of international coordination — G7, G20, the UNHCR, the UN organizations — because it is not their deficiency that I lament, it’s their member states not giving them the tools with which to do the job that needs to be done. I worry, colleagues, about Africa, but that’s another subject.

Second, science and expertise matters: front-line emergency officers, first responders, researchers. The private sector management in this period of crisis is amazing to behold. If you get inside some of the organizations that are retooling and reorganizing themselves for the short term, they have benefited, if you can call it that, from the experience of 2008-09. For example, Ontario lost 50,000 manufacturing businesses in those years. It means that those who have continued to have a certain resilience that is being tested in this period for sure, but they have some experience of getting through it.

Institutions matter, and institutions matter because trust matters. We will not be able to sustain social distancing and the various requirements of behaviour if we didn’t believe that institutions and their advice are coherent, meaningful and well-motivated. That means we probably need to reflect on the fact that our institutions need a greater redundancy in capacity for dealing with situations like now, and that simple efficiency in our institutions isn’t in the long-term interest.

Agility in responding to changing circumstances by changing course ought to be respected and not ridiculed, even in the Senate. When new gaps emerge, we must be able to respond quickly and be encouraged to do that. Parliamentary oversight is absolutely important, but second-guessing from the sidelines isn’t really helpful.

Lastly, we need to begin to think our way back to normal, or the new normal, and I would argue in this time of transition, we need to have a higher tolerance for risk in the public sector.

I’ve been somewhat critical of the so-called accountability reforms of 10 years ago. I made the allusion once that if the public service was a hockey team, it would be a team of goalies because it was better not to be scored on than to score. We won’t get through this if we don’t have a full-fledged hockey team, with forwards and risk takers, people who are prepared to see a goal being scored because the game needs to be won. And that requires public institutions like the Senate, the House of Commons, the Auditor General, and others who are charged with ensuring proper oversight, are also aware that we need a culture of risk taking and innovation in the public service. I applaud the public servants who have taken us thus far in developing the advice and starting to implement it, but the implementation of what we are passing today will, colleagues, mean mistakes will be made. People will game the system and we’ll have, I’m sure, sober advice to tell us how this and thus should not have taken place.

Risk taking is an essential component of getting through this period.

So what we are doing is absolutely necessary but not sustainable. It requires patience, understanding and the courage of all of us to see Canada through.

Goodness gracious, it’s tough to be at the end of the pack, but I’ll try to make a few comments on Bill C-14.

The measures announced by the government are comprehensive and targeted actions which aim to provide financial assistance to the most vulnerable Canadians, as well as induce economic activity and maintain liquidity in the Canadian economy. Now more than ever, Canadians are looking to their government to make challenging decisions that protect the health and well-being of its citizens but also safeguard their livelihoods.

Now, more than ever, it is imperative to prevent the erosion of trust in our institutions with transparent and accountable policy, similar to what Senator Harder just talked about.

The government’s cumulative fiscal response to COVID-19 has surpassed hundreds of billions of dollars, including direct spending measures totalling $107 billion. According to projections from the Parliamentary Budget Officer, the federal deficit is now expected to reach $184 billion, which could push Canada’s debt-to-GDP ratio up to its highest level in 20 years, at 40%. While these are daunting figures to digest, we understand it is the government’s duty to do whatever it takes to ensure that we as a country get through these difficult times.

As they stand currently, these spending programs come with no costing notes from the government. There is uncertainty around the length and scope of these programs. There is uncertainty around how these programs will be financed, and there is uncertainty around how the crisis will impact federal tax revenues moving forward.

Currently, there is no way for us to know of the future implications of this spending on Canadians. In short, I’m concerned about the government in its duty to be transparent and accountable in this regard.

However, Parliament, especially in a minority government, can play an important accountability role. The Prime Minister has made mention of Team Canada in his remarks since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic in Canada. He has said that addressing this virus must be a Team Canada effort, meaning his government will have to work collaboratively, not only across governments, but also across party lines. So when the opposition in the House of Commons rejects the idea of granting the Minister of Finance unfettered spending and taxation powers for two years, it was not a partisan tactic; it was simply Parliament as an institution exercising its constitutional duty to hold the government of the day to account.

Let’s not forget one thing. Truth always builds trust and leads to transparency. And as Senator Harder spoke about it, the idea of tone and attitude becomes tremendously important for all of us as we move forward.

For these reasons I believe that the Senate is well equipped and in a good position to act as an oversight body, a role our institution already has in our system of democracy. The Senate has a duty to thoroughly review these fiscal programs by questioning experts and providing recommendations where appropriate. We can act quickly, and we can adapt to the new work environment as much as possible, but we must never give up our constitutional duty to hold the government accountable for its decisions.

For example, while the government has worked to provide relief to Canadians and Canadian businesses impacted by this pandemic, the oil and gas industry in Western Canada has yet to hear the government’s plan for their sector. I’m not going to go any further into this, other than to say we have to be able to address this issue. Western Canada is tremendously important, and contributes up to 10% of Canada’s GDP in terms of the energy sector. We have to find ways of moving forward that protect not only this industry but protect the environment movement we have to deal with. Two realities: how do we balance them and make them work?

I don’t have a final answer — and this was Minister Morneau — about dealing with this crisis, but let’s hope that positive leadership comes forward shortly on the energy issue.

Continuing the theme of transparency and accountability, we have learned that during the course of this pandemic, processing access-to-information requests has slowed across the country and even stopped at the federal level. Canadians wishing to hold their government to account through freedom of information are being met with roadblocks. In an email to a request, Public Services and Procurement Canada responded by saying:

The Access to Information and Privacy Office has decided to put all access and privacy requests on hold until the situation returns to normal.

Toby Mendel, executive director of the Centre for Law and Democracy raised concerns saying:

We’ve got, on the one hand, this incredible need for accountability and, on the other hand, the institutions of accountability are operating well below their normal levels.

Again, we need to reinforce a behavioural pattern that will be able to help us move forward as opposed to putting up roadblocks.

This is yet another example of the government failing in its duty to be accountable to the public. COVID-19 has certainly exploited many weaknesses in our public health system as well as in our economy. It is no secret that policy errors on the part of the federal government have amplified the magnitude of the virus’s impact.

Sandy Buchman, President of the Canadian Medical Association said:

I am trying to understand the government’s response today because I think everyone was caught flat-footed. The front line is telling us over and over that they are not prepared and they are scared. We are hearing it from everywhere.

The 2006 report from Dr. Theresa Tam was mentioned earlier where she warned about a pandemic similar to COVID-19 and provided guidance on maintaining adequate domestic stockpiles of medical equipment as well as hospital capacity to deal with surges.

With time, as this virus wanes, people will slowly return to their normal lives again — whatever that new normal may be — and it will be important for us to ask tough questions on behalf of Canadians. Canadians will want to know where their government’s policies failed, where there were gaps in accountability and what lessons were learned to better prepare for future tragedies.

Without accountability and transparency, you cannot expect trust. Trust in our institutions and in our government is paramount today. Now we need more accountability, not less. We need more transparency, not less. The federal government must provide a detailed costing of the fiscal measures it has announced. It must provide full and comprehensive explanations in its policy decisions regarding COVID-19.

Finally, what we need moving forward is a long-term strategic plan with the appropriate financial resources, equipment and leadership so that we will be proactive and ready as a country in overcoming the next health epidemic that we will face and our fellow Canadians will face. Thank you.

Honourable senators, in the last few days, the federal government has demonstrated that it’s willing to listen by relaxing the criteria for the 75% wage subsidies meant to help businesses get through the worst of the crisis. No single program can meet all the needs. It will be much more difficult for small businesses that have already laid off their employees and have limited liquidity to use those subsidies. If they have a payroll over $50,000, they still have the option of applying for a $40,000 loan that is interest free for two and a half years, 25% of which is non-repayable. Still, those small business need to have the means to pay back these loans. Who knows how the economy will look after all this?

Hundreds of thousands of workers laid off because of COVID-19 are already receiving their EI payments or the Canada Emergency Response Benefit. I was relieved to hear that CRA’s computer systems held up. There were a few glitches, but overall, fewer administrative delays than we might have feared. I therefore want to thank the public service employees who contributed to this massive effort.

But some people are being left behind, like those who lost their jobs before the coronavirus outbreak and who don’t qualify for emergency benefits or employment insurance. How many of them are there? Minister Morneau didn’t want to give us an estimate earlier. Maybe he doesn’t know. No one can tell us when or how these people are going to be helped, either. Nonetheless, we have a duty to help them.

This unprecedented health crisis has forced us to do some serious soul-searching. I live in Quebec, where the number of deaths due to the pandemic in long-term care homes, intermediate resources and private nursing homes has become a burning issue. These institutions account for half of all deaths caused by COVID-19. We know that people over 70 are at the highest risk of dying from the novel virus, but that’s only part of the explanation. Quebec society, meaning all of us, made a choice to institutionalize vulnerable seniors in large establishments that are chronically and cruelly understaffed, with appalling turnover. Three times more seniors live in institutions in Quebec than in the rest of Canada. Because of the choice society made, a lot of these establishments are now practising something akin to wartime medicine. The people who live there are dying off behind closed doors. Human beings are suffering in agony, often dying without medical care and without anyone at their side.

The federal government and the Government of Quebec misjudged the enormous need for masks. There wasn’t enough protective equipment for nursing and medical staff and for care attendants outside hospitals. Care attendants, who are paid $13 an hour, were therefore sent to the front, without masks and without training, to care for 10 to 25 functionally dependent seniors, often by themselves. They are caring for fragile human beings in facilities where hundreds of seniors with dementia or Alzheimer’s are in close contact and contaminating each other because of a lack of oversight.

In one of these residences, which was described as a concentration camp, patients were found starving, soiled and even dead. The employees had fled and abandoned the institution. This sort of thing is happening right here at home.

For the past few days, the government has been redirecting personnel to help these people who have been overlooked in this time of crisis. It’s clear that, once the worst of this health crisis has passed, we need to take time to reflect on how to prepare and on the authorities’ response to the most vulnerable members of our society, who currently aren’t entitled to a dignified death. We also need to think about how little value we place on the essential and difficult jobs of orderlies and care attendants for functionally dependent seniors, jobs that are predominantly held by women, underpaid and devalued. Since the pandemic began, these workers have been called guardian angels in Quebec. However, the admiration being shown for their courage and hard work should be reflected in their working conditions.

Honourable senators, as I rise today my thoughts go out to our fellow citizens in Canada and Quebec who are undoubtedly going through the most difficult crisis of their lives. That is why I’d like to begin by offering my sincere condolences and all my support to families who have unfortunately lost a loved one to the coronavirus.

I would also like to commend the courage and will of all those who are working, near or far, in service of Canadians during this crisis. These people who risk their lives in the national interest deserve our recognition and I’d like you to join me in thanking them for their dedication and their sense of duty.

I also want to acknowledge the exceptional work of our premier, Mr. Legault, and his team. Since the beginning of the crisis, Quebec has found reassurance in Mr. Legault’s incredible leadership. We thank him for that.

Colleagues, I’m worried about this government’s management. I have no doubt that it wants to help and protect Canadians. However, I’m troubled by the quality of communications throughout this crisis. The government committed to working with the opposition parties and to being transparent with Canadians. On a number of very important issues, such as the economy and public safety, however, we haven’t gotten clear answers to our legitimate questions.

The government’s attempts to stop this crisis will have serious long-term consequences on the economy and on Canadians. I understand the need to support the economy with massive amounts of spending. I’m not opposing that choice. However, I have to wonder about the government’s long-term plan for this massive deficit that will have accumulated and that will have an effect over a long period. I realize that the economy is a major issue that we need to consider in this crisis, but, above all else, I’m concerned about the public safety of Canadians.

The evasive answers given by the Minister of Public Safety, Mr. Blair, during our previous exchange failed to convince me, and certainly failed to reassure.

Canada has nearly 70,000 police officers, including 20,000 members of the RCMP. The Canada Border Services Agency has some 7,000 uniformed officers. More than 6,000 correctional officers work at Correctional Service Canada, along with 1,000 parole officers and support staff. All of those officers protect Canadians, but we also have a duty to protect them.

I asked Minister Blair what he planned to do to protect Correctional Service officers from COVID-19. This is what he said, and I quote:

We’ve also been providing training to our officers. We are ensuring that the inventories of Personal Protection Equipment are adequate for the challenges we may face.

This shows the lack of substance in the government’s response regarding the protection of prison staff. We were not given a real plan or any details. It seems the situation is becoming increasingly worrisome in many federal prisons in Quebec and no doubt elsewhere in Canada as well. What are the specific requirements for personal protective equipment for all of these officers? Do we have enough protective equipment supplies to keep them safe? What is the government’s plan if there is an outbreak of COVID-19 in a prison, as is currently happening in Quebec?

What I find even more worrisome is the solution of releasing inmates back into the community. That illogical response is a threat to Canada’s public safety, and most Quebecers and Canadians are opposed to it. It would be like deciding to free up beds in a seniors’ home for fear of a pandemic. It does not make any sense.

I understand why COVID-19 getting into penitentiaries would be a problem. However, we have to acknowledge that we have no way to monitor offenders if they reoffend post-release. The Auditor General himself confirmed that.

Are our halfway houses and community correctional facilities ready for an influx of offenders? Are municipalities and local health services informed ahead of time about decisions made by Correctional Service Canada?

In his response to a question posed in the Senate, Minister Blair said that he asked the commissioner of Correctional Service Canada and the chair of the Parole Board of Canada to look at the possibility of taking measures to facilitate the early release of non-dangerous offenders. I would like to know what “non‑dangerous offenders” means. Does that include individuals convicted of firearms offences or offences related to organized crime? What about individuals with multiple convictions for breaking and entering or robbery? What about drug traffickers?

I would also like to remind my colleagues that Canada’s current situation does not in any way justify the early release of inmates. Indeed, in the other place, the House of Commons Standing Committee on Public Safety and National Security is already reviewing the circumstances surrounding the release of Eustachio Gallese. That individual, who tragically murdered Marylène Levesque, was a repeat offender; a few years earlier, he killed his own spouse, Chantal Deschênes.

I would also point out that on March 30, the union representing correctional officers stated, and I quote:

The release of a few inmates would not solve the potential spread of COVID-19 in our facilities; it would only increase the risk for Canadians.

Even inmates on conditional release can pose a threat to society. Canada is in crisis, and its citizens are already facing a potential deadly threat. It would be irresponsible to add to that threat.

Honourable colleagues, we cannot take Canada’s public safety lightly. The government is leaving unanswered questions on this, so we need to react. The early release of inmates is already a risky proposition, but early release without planning would constitute a reckless disregard for community safety.

It seems to me like we’re trying to fix a problem by creating an even bigger one. We should be thinking about how to equip Correctional Service Canada with the right resources and measures to protect prison staff and to ensure normal operations of our Canadian penitentiaries, as most of the provinces have done. They’ve equipped the hospitals with extra staff and extra resources to provide services to those infected with this virus.

I’d also like to draw your attention to another problem that might arise from the early release of inmates. The fundamental priority of the Parole Board of Canada is to protect the Canadian public. However, how could it do that if we don’t test offenders who might be released or if we’re unable to monitor their housing conditions in such a way as to ensure the necessary social distancing? How many of these criminals might simply join the ranks of the homeless and put their health and that of others even further at risk? We know that COVID-19 is extremely contagious. Why is the government not providing more clarity on this issue? Releasing contagious inmates will only worsen the health situation.

I believe that with the right means — in other words, increased resources for correctional services — they would be able to prevent outbreaks in penitentiaries.

According to a TVA article I read this morning, inmates freed from the Port-Cartier institution are now 50 kilometres away, confined to a hotel in Sept-Îles for two weeks. The MLA for Duplessis and Parti Québécois public safety critic expressed grave concerns about safety in the region. What authority did the minister have to legally order the Parole Board to release certain categories of offenders before they were eligible?

According to the Corrections and Conditional Release Act, the Parole Board is an independent administrative tribunal that must retain that authority.

Over the past few days, I have been informed that a number of victims were not invited to the parole hearings, which is a violation of their rights. These victims feel wronged and ignored by our justice system, once again.

Why is the government in such a rush to free inmates to protect their rights, when it is willingly trampling the rights of victims and their families? It’s important to keep in mind that, in 2015, Canada instituted the Victims Bill of Rights, which is supra-constitutional, meaning that it is above departmental laws. How, then, does the government explain this situation? It is sad to see that this government neglected its duty and was more concerned about criminals’ rights than victims’ rights.

Honourable senators, the government’s first duty is to keep Canadians safe. We have a responsibility to ask the government questions and demand clear answers.

The safety of Canadians is one of the government’s most important responsibilities, and it is one that we cannot shirk. We need to stand together in the face of this crisis, which affects every one of us directly.

I have no doubt that we will find the right compromises to help Canadians get through this epidemic.

I’d like to take a moment to wish all Canadians and all Quebecers a happy Easter.

Honourable senators, may you and your loved ones stay healthy and safe. Thank you.

Is it possible to pose a question?

Senator Boisvenu, would you take a question?

Absolutely.

Thank you for your comments. I was going to stand to raise a point of order about the appropriateness of these comments in light of what we are discussing, but I’m not doing that.

Is there trouble with the translation?

Thank you very much. I was interested to hear your comments that have come from the guards’ unions.

I’m not certain, senator, if you are aware that, in fact, many medical professionals, including some leading epidemiologists in this country, have written to correctional authorities in all jurisdictions recommending that the numbers of people in prisons be reduced and that prisoners be released so that prisons don’t become vectors for the virus and contribute to increased strain on the public health system, particularly in communities where prisons are located, so that they can actually engage in physical distancing in prisons for staff, as well as prisoners, so we end up not prolonging or repeating, and have more cyclical reintroduction of the virus and preventable continuation of the pandemic we are currently facing. I’m not certain if you’re aware of that. If you aren’t, I would be happy to share that information with you.

Thank you for your question. I’ve visited all the penitentiaries in Quebec, and I can assure you that very, very few of them are overpopulated. Federal penitentiaries in Quebec are very well equipped, in terms of both gear and personnel, to practise social distancing as required. It’s just a matter of management and common sense.

Honourable and cherished colleagues, I am deeply honoured to stand with you today in this chamber to speak in support of this critical wage subsidy bill, Bill C-14. This is a bill to support workers and families, a bill to support businesses and the future health of our economy. I would like to acknowledge contributions to my remarks from Senators Ratna Omidvar and Colin Deacon.

In his April 8 news conference, Minister Morneau said:

In the face of an historic public health crisis, we are providing historic support. These are the largest economic measures of our lifetime.

These measures include this bill.

Before speaking to this bill and other government measures, I would like to join my colleagues in telling you and all Canadians how grateful I am for the superhuman efforts of so many who are working relentlessly, with great intelligence, creativity and dedication, to get us through this enormous and unprecedented crisis in Canada and around the world.

I am grateful to our political and public health leaders, at all levels, whose competence inspires confidence.

I am grateful for the civil service; a shout-out to Rhonda Kropp of the Public Health Agency of Canada, and all the vitally important civil servants we interact with on the daily technical briefings for parliamentarians.

I’m grateful to our skilled and brave health care workers, including those in mental health care, and other front-line workers in the grocery stores, food banks, women’s shelters, prisoner advocacy and support organizations, and especially those who care for our most precious and vulnerable fellow citizens, like my mother-in-law, Eileen Coyle, who is a resident at a care home in Almonte, Ontario, which is currently experiencing a terrifying COVID-19 outbreak.

I’m grateful for educators, many of whom are caring for their own children while trying to keep their students happy and engaged in learning.

I am grateful to artists, who show us beauty, entertain us and challenge us to reflect at this time when we need them most. As a rabbi whom I recently listened to said, “This is a time to focus on comforting the disturbed and disturbing the comfortable.”

I’m grateful for journalists, who are working around the clock to keep our communities informed on public health matters and emergency response measures.

I’m grateful to innovators, scientists and entrepreneurs like my fellow Antigonishers Kulbir Singh and Mike McAlduff of Sona Nanotech, who are working without rest to develop and commercialize their COVID-19 rapid-response antigen test.

I’m also grateful for all of your global counterparts. You and many others are important members of Team Canada and Team Earth.

I support this bill and the other unprecedented and extensive measures our government has rapidly put into place to help Canadians get through to the other side of this crisis. I was very pleased to see that this bill recognizes the importance of both the business sector as well as the charitable and non-profit sectors. Providing job security and support for operational continuation is key for both sectors. It’s key for all Canadians.

Honourable senators, our Special Senate Committee on the Charitable Sector highlighted the critical role that this sector plays in Canada and around the world. At a time when the sector is needed more than ever, Imagine Canada has estimated that charities will see financial losses this year of $9.5 billion to $15.7 billion, as well as layoffs of 118,000 to 194,000 people. That’s the charitable sector.

With this potentially dire and urgent situation, charities need to be supported by the right policy tools so they can continue their vital work responding to the impacts of this crisis. The 75% wage subsidy provided through this bill, and described in detail by Senator Gold in his speech, will definitely help many charities to keep their doors open. For this we are thankful. There are, however, a number of other measures the sector is asking the government to consider, given the distinct characteristics of this sector.

The charitable sector is asking for a whole-of-government approach and asking the Treasury Board to issue a directive to that effect. The measures they are asking for also include adjustments to the way declines in revenue are calculated. Charities with funding agreements with the federal government and Crown agencies would have those automatically renewed. Unspent funds from previous years would be carried over. Flexibility on how funds are spent would need to be there, as well as simplified reporting requirements — yes, more offence and less defence from the government, please — and a temporary moratorium on the restrictions that limit charities and foundations to only provide funds to qualified donees, in order that they may form the critical partnerships required to reach vulnerable populations at this time, including Indigenous peoples. And, just as government is looking at developing specialized relief for industries, such as our airlines, the charitable sector is calling on the government to create a significant stabilization fund tailored to its urgent needs.

Honourable senators, these are not frivolous asks. These are essential supports for a sector working hard every day to help fellow Canadians get through this crisis.

In addition to the charitable sector, it is important that we give special consideration to our start-up and growth companies. These are vital to the successful recovery and future strength of our economy.

Over the decades, Canadians have dramatically increased investment in businesses like Shopify here in Ottawa, Verafin in Newfoundland, and SkipTheDishes out West. To achieve this, the federal government will need to put in place programs to unlock investment from private individuals and entities that have been shaken, like all of us have been.

Colleagues, I support Bill C-14 and I, like you, look forward to hearing more and being involved in further measures to address other pressing needs resulting from the COVID-19 crisis.

Honourable senators, as I conclude my remarks today and we all plan our socially distanced Easter, Passover, Vaisakhi, Ramadan and other celebrations, I remind us that our Chief Public Health Officer, Dr. Theresa Tam, has called for a “staycation for the nation.” I quote, as did Senator Jane Cordy, my fellow Nova Scotian, Premier Stephen McNeil, who has told he everyone to “stay the blazes home.”

Fellow senators, I will leave you this evening with lyrics — I’m not going to sing; don’t worry — from a famous Rankin Family song:

. . . as sure as the sunrise

As sure as the sea

As sure as the wind in the trees

We rise again . . .

Rise again, yes, we shall; of that I am confident.

Welalioq. Thank you.

Honourable senators, today I’m going to talk about the unprecedented economic challenges that Canada is facing due to the global pandemic. In this chamber, we often — perhaps too often — use the word “crisis” to describe events and challenges that we have had to overcome as a country. However, I think that word perfectly sums up the situation the world is facing right now. Indeed, I think it would be impossible to overstate the economic disruption and upheaval that Canadians are going through right now.

The Conference Board of Canada has indicated that it expects Canada to lose 2.8 million jobs in March and April alone. Prior to this crisis, Canada had a national unemployment rate of 5%. That rate is now 20% and expected to rise significantly.

My province, Quebec, lost 264,000 jobs in March alone. Quebec’s unemployment rate rose from 4.5% to 8.1%. In the rest of Canada, only Ontario has lost more jobs than Quebec.

We’ve been told to expect that in some regions of the country the unemployment rate could reach a staggering level of 85%. This level of unemployment and slowdown in economic activity is unprecedented, even in comparison to other crises, notably the great market crash of 1929. We are engaging in radical surgery in order to make social distancing effective and smother the virus. Even if we are successful in maintaining effective social distancing, the virus will still kill between 11,000 and 22,000 Canadians. We have all seen projections that are even more worrisome. However, we cannot be blinded to the longer-term impacts for our economy and for the livelihood of Canadians. It is on some of these impacts that I want to focus my remarks this evening.

In the face of this global pandemic, every country is facing similar economic challenges, but I believe we need to be frank and acknowledge that some countries will be better prepared than others. Some are also responding to the economic challenges we face better than others.

At a foundational level there is the matter of how well we have positioned ourselves as a country to weather unexpected economic challenges that will inevitably arise from time to time. If one looks at the first half of the previous decade, the government of the day undertook considerable efforts to return the country to a balanced budget situation after the economic shocks of 2008 to 2009. As a result of these efforts, by 2015 the federal budget had been returned to balance. The country was well positioned to prosper and prepare for an economic downturn when and if ever it occurred. Prime Minister Stephen Harper understood that politicians do what is popular, but leaders do what is right.

However, in the second half the decade the current government embarked on a different approach. Instead of making good stewardship of the economy a priority, the government engaged in deliberate deficit spending and acted as though there could never be any bad times again. The result is in the last half decade more than $100 billion has been added to federal debt. In the face of the current crisis, the Parliamentary Budget Officer has calculated that the federal deficit will now reach $184 billion in just the coming year. That level of spending will be three times what was required in the 2009 budget, which responded to a deep recession of 2008 and 2009. However, at that time the federal government was coming off nearly a decade of budget surpluses and proper fiscal management. A decade ago it was much easier to weather the storm, though it was still a significant struggle to return to a balanced budget in the years that followed. Unfortunately, the advantage we had then has been flippantly tossed aside over the past four years.

According to projections, Canada’s federal GDP-to-debt ratio is set to rise to 40% from 30% in just one year. That’s just the federal debt-to-GDP ratio, colleagues. Provinces carry additional debt, which, as noted in recent articles in the Financial Post, is the highest collective debt-to-GDP ratio in the whole world. The subnational governments in this country have unparalleled debt-to-GDP ratios.

Colleagues, I fear that we have simply been too optimistic and too fiscally irresponsible over the past four years. Now the only option we have is to hope for a relatively fast global recovery to pull us out of the current crisis.

Regardless of how the global economic situation plays out, this country is going to face very difficult economic and financial choices in the few years ahead. Much of that will be due to cavalier economic choices. There is nothing that could be done about past bad decisions at this point, colleagues. Unfortunately, however, I’m equally concerned about the aspects of government’s current approach.

To begin with, it’s clear that the government did not react to the crisis quickly enough. On March 18, barely three weeks ago, the government announced a 10% wage subsidy for businesses demonstrating a 30% drop in revenue compared to the same period in the previous year. Most businesses criticized the measure as inadequate given the magnitude of the crisis.

We’ve since learned that the wage subsidy will be quintupled to 75% and that businesses will only have to show a 15% drop in revenue. Such a significant change suggests that the government’s approach to consulting Canadian businesses was sorely inadequate.

There are further problems, colleagues. The program is highly complex. When he testified before the House of Commons Finance Committee just this week, Dan Kelly of the Canadian Federation of Independent Business reported his group is getting 800 calls a day from Canadian businesses seeking to understand the complexities of eligibility requirements for the emergency wage subsidy. Kim Moody of the Canadian Tax Advisory told the committee it will take three to six weeks for Canadian businesses to access funds under the envisioned application process. He said:

Three to six weeks is simply too long — way too long.

And it is, colleagues. Those of us who have been in business know that six weeks is the point at which you go bankrupt or you keep your nose above water.

Similar concerns have been expressed by the Canadian Chamber of Commerce. This suggests completely inadequate consultations with Canadian business groups, colleagues. I’m sorry, but this is something we cannot afford during this crisis. The government cannot do business as they usually have because these are not normal times. It should be working hand in glove with businesses and with a sense of urgency.

There are also increasing indications that the program may have significant gaps. The Canadian Federation of Independent Business has reported that up to 80% of Canada’s small businesses are currently shuttered. That involves a staggering total of 110,000 companies across the country. Some small- and medium-sized enterprises are reportedly struggling to access needed loans. This has given rise to significant concerns that the Business Development Bank of Canada’s lending criteria are just too stringent and that they are favouring medium- to large-sized businesses with already-established positive cash flow. So we are certainly not responding to those most in need. This could risk leaving many small businesses out in the cold, and small businesses are the foundation upon which our Canadian economy functions.

All of this is very concerning and it should be for all of us. The government has claimed that a collaborative approach is a core principle of how it plans to tackle this crisis. However, what we are seeing is not indicative of a collaborative approach.

Some people have suggested that in the middle of this crisis, the government should have additional unfettered powers to act without parliamentarians exercising oversight or questioning its actions.

However, given this government’s tendency to treat our national finances rather cavalierly for years now, given how slow it has been to take action to help Canadian businesses, and given that it appears to be developing policies without worrying too much about transparency or the need for effective consultation, parliamentary oversight is of the utmost importance, honourable colleagues.

Colleagues, there is no question we need to act and pass this legislation urgently. We simply have no choice, but I have some serious concerns. I can only implore the government to recommit to effective engagement and consultation with businesses and other partners in this crisis. What we are facing is not unlike the crisis we’ve experienced during World War II. This time the enemy is different, but the requirement for a truly national and collaborative approach between government and Canadian industry is no less the case now than it was then. Indeed, this time the survival of Canadian businesses and of our national economy depends on the strength of that collaborative approach. I urge the government to recommit itself in this objective in no uncertain terms. I urge Parliament and the Senate to also insist on that in no uncertain terms.

With all of that said, while I credit the government for trying to do its very best — and I do want to make it clear that I don’t believe anyone is not doing likewise and working in good faith — the bottom line is that Canada was not prepared for this pandemic. We weren’t prepared on the financial front and we weren’t prepared on the health front. We allowed our stockpiles of medical equipment to be depleted and we allowed our financial stockpiles to be depleted. This government was warned that all of their spending over the last four years was going to leave us in dire straits when the time came. Here we are, colleagues. Let this be a lesson, a lesson once and for all. We must never ever find ourselves in this position again. Thank you.

Honourable senators, the passage of Bill C-14, which I support, will likely conclude the immediate rescue phase for the control of the COVID-19 crisis. I commend the government, Parliament and everyone involved for the tremendous work that went into providing critical protection and an emergency safety net for Canadians whose livelihoods have been upended by this pandemic.

As the situation stabilizes over the coming months and we move from rescue to recovery planning, we will need to analyze the underlying causes and pathways that allowed the crisis to reach cataclysmic proportions. Researchers in the public health field are warning us about secondary waves to come and the urgent need to remain alert. We must learn quickly and ensure we develop the right tools to better prepare contingency plans covering health, democracy, education and economy.

It is becoming obvious that we were poorly prepared for this pandemic and the economic fallout that came with addressing it. This crisis exposes our absolute interdependence and the extreme fragility of the globalized hyper-capitalist system. Not only do we depend on overseas production to cover essential health products, but the structural unsustainability of the modern industrial economy has created a domino effect, resulting in a series of crises that we now are facing. For example, greater human encroachment on natural habitats increases contact between wild animals and humans, resulting in increased pandemics but also contributing to climate change. These issues are interconnected, and therefore, solutions must be integrated.

I implore our government and all political parties to work together and design plans based on scientific evidence, long-term vision, inclusivity, economic efficiency and environmental sustainability.

As we look to the future, there will be calls for things to return to normal, and for some that will mean making even more cuts to the minimal environmental protection measures in place in order to make short-term gains.

It would mean ignoring the fact that pollution is an aggravating factor for viruses like COVID-19, that it already kills more people than this virus and that it also contributes to climate change. Pollution is a fundamental cause of many problems, and it is an issue that we cannot continue to ignore. The poor sanitary conditions of workers overseas in the manufacturing production chain are also to blame for this pandemic.

We must recognize that returning to pre-COVID-19 conditions is no longer acceptable. The ground has just shifted under our feet. We stand at a historic moment where we are called to implement dramatic changes. We cannot downplay the immensity of the challenges and tasks ahead. This period will be filled with mourning of loved ones and the pain of having our preconceived ideas shattered and replaced.

But it is also a tremendous opportunity to prepare, to start integrated planning and to embark on a process of adaptation that will leave us more resilient, happier and more connected.

We share a blue dot in space with finite resources. The vulnerable yet invaluable global ecosystems that keep us alive are on the verge of a breakdown. Luckily, there is no end to human creativity, and now it is time to unleash it.

Over the coming weeks and months, we will be able to see if the effort was commensurate to the challenge. We already have worries that some groups, particularly vulnerable people, will fall between the cracks, which over time may need a universal approach to be solved. As earlier today we reached an agreement to enable minimal oversight functions over the emergency measures of our house of sober second thought, I hope we will be able to contribute to ensuring that no Canadian is left behind.

Finally, I hope that regenerative, resilient, circular economies that centre on human and ecosystem well-being will become the new normal. Economy serves humanity and not the other way around. It is time that our macro-indicators reflect well-being and not just a dollar sign.

Safety is not a place we revert to. Safety is a place that we build together. Thank you.

Honourable senators, before I speak to the important purpose of the bill, I want to commend the efforts of the government, the Minister of Finance and the thousands of public servants who support them in creating and operating the various government programs designed to help Canadians get through a very difficult period, including those who even have to mourn the loss of loved ones.

I also commend the work of the opposition parties in the House of Commons who, on March 25, while supporting the government’s efforts and in a “Team Canada” spirit, put in place checks and balances to allow elected members from all parties to continue exercising their duties in the new technological environment required by the pandemic.

Finally, I want to express my appreciation for the various groups represented here in this chamber who have worked hard over the past few weeks to ensure that the Senate was also able to fulfill its constitutional duty of oversight on behalf of Canadians through two committees that adequately reflect the composition of the Senate.

When a person is appointed to this place, a new senator is born. I must add that all senators are born equal in rights, privileges and duties, wherever they come from, whatever their gender or orientation, irrespective of their political preferences, affiliation with a group or no group.

As I said at the last meeting of CIBA, I believe in equality among all senators. During this period where the House won’t be sitting regularly for a while, it is critical that the composition of our two committees be a good reflection of the composition of this house, because these two committees are going to be the mini-parliament, the mini-house, as we are suspending our work as a full house.

Since these are important measures that are being developed quickly, these two committees will be able to detect any shortcomings in the measures proposed so the government can fix them.

I strongly believe, honourable colleagues, that it would be a dereliction of our duties not to play our complementary role in scrutinizing the federal government’s COVID-19 response, considering the extent of the extraordinary powers that were conferred upon the government to respond to the pandemic. Experience has shown that Senate committees, such as the National Finance and Social Affairs Committees, often question the government on important issues different from those raised by MPs, such as policy details, minority rights, including for those who have no voice, like the black community, those in remote communities, those who are in prison, and regional and territorial concerns.

Of course these committees and their very helpful staff will have to adjust to remote hearings and the new technology, but I am convinced that the Senate is up to the challenge, as is the case in the other place and in so many other parliaments around the world.

I now move to the content of the bill before us today. I have some very technical comments about certain aspects of the bill, which I shared with the Department of Finance earlier this week, and which I will spare you from. They are here if you want to read them.

I would like instead to focus on the policy objective of the bill: to reduce the number of employees being laid off as a consequence of the severe economic consequences of the pandemic. It is not to help companies, it is to look after employees.

Honourable senators, as we all know — it was said by my colleague Senator Housakos before — millions of Canadians are now unemployed and many others are at risk of becoming unemployed. Hopefully this bill will serve to maintain or resume the employment of hundreds of thousands or more Canadians who would find themselves without a paycheque or a job.

When looking at the aim of this bill, I cannot forget what a famous judge from Manitoba, the late Chief Justice Brian Dickson, wrote in a Supreme Court decision rendered in 1987 — I was already a lawyer:

Work is one of the most fundamental aspects in a person’s life, providing the individual with a means of financial support and, as importantly, a contributory role in society. A person’s employment is an essential component of his or her sense of identity, self-worth and emotional well-being. . .

In this difficult period, where employees, like other Canadians, have to endure so much stress at home and in their family, this bill will provide an important relief to many who were recently laid off or on the edge of being laid off. Thus I am proud today to vote in favour of this bill, which not only supports part of our economy, but will also contribute to maintaining the dignity of hundreds of thousands of Canadian workers.

In conclusion, work is a fundamental aspect of a person’s life. It provides a livelihood and contributes to self-esteem and human dignity. This is a difficult period for millions of workers, and this bill will help many of them preserve their dignity, ease their families’ worries and believe that things will get better. Thank you. Meegwetch.

Honourable senators, I want to rise as well to indicate my support for this bill, and I want to thank all of our colleagues here and at home for their thoughtful and valuable contributions to our discussion.

During this pandemic, COVID-19 has been described as a great equalizer. In fact, it has exposed the results of decades of evisceration of health care and social services systems throughout this country. It has also revealed the historic devaluing of the work of those on the front lines, the low wages, the lack of benefits and the lack of protections for those workers on whom we are now relying, from store clerks, delivery workers, cleaners, garbage collectors, seasonal and gig employees and those — as Senator Miville-Dechêne pointed out — working in long-term care homes as personal support workers, not to mention artists and so many more.

With every passing day it becomes ever more clear that, far from being experienced equally, COVID-19 is exposing and exacerbating inequalities, and taking a disproportionate toll on low-income people, women trying to escape violence, homeless people, those who are racialized — especially Indigenous, Asian, and African-Canadians. The patchwork of measures that we have today still leaves behind far too many.

Honourable senators, we have been invited by the minister to provide advice on how to address the needs of those still not eligible or able to access the resources we are now making available. As senators, we have a particular responsibility to represent the most vulnerable. I look forward to our collective efforts to work to address the gaps that remain.

We must remedy and redress the inequality of access to economic and health measures, and address discrimination based on class, race, ability, geography, and sex exposed by both who is most impacted and vulnerable to COVID-19, as well as who is left out of our response to COVID-19 so far. We know that our responses to COVID-19 could exacerbate the enormous inequalities that this pandemic is exposing, however unintentionally.

Those of us working on these issues invite all of you, here and at home, to join our efforts and work to end the discrimination that is currently experienced by far too many in this country.

I want to end with a special thanks to all of our front-line workers, our colleagues here and at home, the Senate teams that have made this possible today and to everyone everywhere who is working to get through this pandemic.

Meegwetch. Thank you.

Are honourable senators ready for the question?

Is it your pleasure, honourable senators, to adopt the motion?

Some Hon. Senators: Agreed.

An Hon. Senator: On division.

(Motion agreed to and bill read third time and passed, on division.)