Impact Assessment Bill—Canadian Energy Regulator Bill—Navigation Protection Act
Bill to Amend--Third Reading--Debate
June 3, 2019
Moved third reading of Bill C-69, An Act to enact the Impact Assessment Act and the Canadian Energy Regulator Act, to amend the Navigation Protection Act and to make consequential amendments to other Acts, as amended.
He said: Honourable senators, I rise today to speak at third reading of Bill C-69 as amended by the Standing Senate Committee on Energy, the Environment and Natural Resources. Our deliberations and the input we have received have at times been intense, emotional, loud and divisive, but none of this is really surprising. The stakes are very high.
My province of Alberta is at the centre of it all. For Albertans, the energy industry is visceral, emotional and deeply significant. It is how we feed our children, pay our mortgages, define ourselves, envision our future and calculate the tremendous contribution we have made to the prosperity and strength of this remarkable country. Many Albertans fear for their futures. We see this industry under siege. One senior energy executive told me that after many years of building, employing and contributing, he has been made to feel like he has somehow done something wrong.
At the same time, a majority of Canadians, including many Albertans, are increasingly uneasy about climate change and other environmental challenges. There is no doubt that this is a seminal driving factor in the debate provoked by Bill C-69. We recently learned that Canada is warming at twice the rate as the rest of the world. Canadians understand this and many are already experiencing the impacts of climate change in their own lives. Canadians’ concerns about the environment cannot be diminished in the search for public policy solutions to issues of resource development.
Indigenous peoples bring yet another set of aspirations, anxieties and legitimate grievances. There are particular concerns for Indigenous women that further heighten the intensity and stakes in this debate. They deserve our respect and our attention.
It is this mix of competing interests, vocal stakeholders, historical grievance, emotion, and high economic and environmental stakes that has defined the nature of the Bill C-69 debate. This debate has become a proxy for a broader and deeper issue that Canadians cannot avoid and must confront.
We are at a critical inflection point in our history. Canadians, and perhaps in particular Albertans, are facing unrelenting environmental, social and market pressures. We have to address how we will develop an economy of the future capable of sustaining our prosperity while confronting increased angst and fear about the environment.
All of this makes for the kind of difficult debate we have experienced over Bill C-69, but great parliaments confront these kinds of debates head on because these issues must be confronted. Great parliaments provide leadership in difficult and complex times. That’s what this debate is about. No, it has not been easy. At times like this, it never is, but without doubt, it is necessary and I am very proud of this place.
You might ask, of course, why even open the proverbial Pandora’s box that Bill C-69 seems to have become? The obvious answer is because our current process for project reviews defined in the Canadian Environmental Assessment Act of 2012, known as CEAA 2012, simply has not worked. The CEAA 2012 regime has not delivered a pipeline to tidewater. It has continued to burden the mining industry with duplicative review processes. It has failed to build the public trust amongst Canadians that is critical to successful project review, and it has been mired in continual litigation that has unsettled investors.
The key public policy objective of Bill C-69 is to fix CEAA 2012, and in order to do this — I borrow this concept from Senator Wetston — we have to align the competing interests that surround resource development. We must create an efficiently functioning review process with certainty for proponents, to be sure. At the same time, we must build public trust in our impact assessment processes. That requires answering environmental, Indigenous and broader public interest concerns. We live in a democracy, public trust matters. It defines what we can and cannot do.
So what was the process that went into developing this legislation that essentially formed its foundation? First, the federal government undertook a massive consultation on the modernization of impact assessments. It spanned more than two years, visited many communities, included studies by two expert panels and two House of Commons committees, received numerous submissions and received much public response to several discussion papers.
This consultation involved ongoing engagement of industry, Indigenous organizations, environmental groups, life cycle regulators, provinces and territories through the Multi-Interest Advisory Committee and it involved multitudes of individual Canadians.
It was out of this process that the basic architecture of Bill C-69 was created. Committee work in the House of Commons and the Senate has built upon that architecture with extensive hearings and meaningful amendments. First, the House of Commons Standing Committee on Environment and Sustainable Development held 14 meetings, heard from 87 witnesses and received 150 briefs. The committee approved 135 amendments responding to stakeholders’ concerns.
In turn, the Senate as we all know, carefully examined Bill C-69 over the past year. In addition to the many — and I mean many — emails, calls, letters, and meetings that I know each of you have received and participated in, the Energy, Environment and Natural Resources Committee heard from 275 witnesses over 108 hours of hearings in 10 cities across the country and received 121 briefs.
We have listened to Canadians from every part of the country, and I have every confidence that the final version of this bill will have been significantly enhanced by the work of the Senate.
In addressing the weaknesses of the current system, Bill C-69 set out to first build public trust; demonstrate respect for Indigenous rights, participation and concerns; create greater certainty and efficiency for business — key, of course, to investor confidence; and to create a much better early planning process which supports each of these three elements and other elements as well. Let me provide detail in each case.
First, in order to build public trust, the bill, among other things, expands the factors to be considered in impact assessments, including climate change and gender-based analysis. It would be hard to imagine an assessment in today’s context having any credibility with the public if it did not address climate change in some way.
We heard compelling testimony about how major projects can affect women, including Indigenous women in especially harsh economic ways like feeding and sheltering their children in boom towns with spiking food and housing prices. These things need to be mitigated.
The bill further requires that the assessment of each of the factors not be optional, but that each factor be considered by either the agency or the proponent as required by the agency.
Public engagement under this bill will be started earlier, during the new early planning process.
The bill modernizes the structure of what has been the National Energy Board by splitting two functions, the review and the subsequent life cycle regulatory processes. That will be captured in the role and mandate of the new board which replaces the NEB, the board is called the Canadian energy regulator.
The bill introduces the element of public interest in the decision criteria and lays out clearly what these criteria will be. It creates greater transparency.
Second, with respect to Indigenous rights, participation and concerns, Bill C-69 makes explicit reference to the United Nations Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and specifies that impacts on Indigenous rights must be assessed.
Bill C-69 requires that impacts on Indigenous communities be assessed and that Indigenous knowledge be considered in all assessment reports.
Certain review and advisory bodies will have to include representatives of First Nations, Inuit and Metis communities.
The bill requires funding for Indigenous participation in impact assessments and for capacity building.
Indigenous jurisdictions are given a stature commensurate with provincial and territorial governments under new provisions for substitution and delegation of impact assessments from the federal level.
Third, Bill C-69 addresses the need for greater certainty and efficiency which are key to proponent and investor confidence. For example, it shortens every timeline currently in place under CEAA 2012. The assessment stage for most projects will drop from 720 days to 300 days. Most pipeline reviews will drop from 450 to 300 days.
Reasons for which timelines can be suspended will be reduced to three and specified. Each of these three are under the control of the proponent. Currently there are no such specified reasons for delays.
Public consultation, often seen as a reason for delay, will have to be completed with a specified timeline.
The bill requires that reasons for delays and assessments and final decisions on projects be explained publicly.
While evolving the NEB into a new modernized body, the CER, the Canadian energy regulator, the bill provides for the transfer of personnel from one to the other and with it the expertise that has been built.
The bill refers to economic benefits 171 times.
The new regional assessment and strategic assessment processes will inform and streamline project reviews.
The bill will reduce duplication amongst jurisdictions, departments and agencies through new early planning and substitution provisions.
Building public trust has a serious implication for certainty and efficiency in, among other things, diminishing the litigation risk that is so unsettling to proponents and investors.
I want to make a special note that the bill establishes a formal early planning process, which may not be widely understood, but which is very important, in fact, critical, to the functioning and the advantages offered by this bill. Its importance and advantages were captured extremely well in the testimony of Pierre Gratton, CEO of the Mining Association of Canada. I refer you to his testimony.
While this early planning process is seen by some to add 180 new days to impact assessments, project proponents, of course, already currently undertake extensive planning, but this planning is not counted into comparative timeline tallies. Unlike the current planning efforts, Bill C-69’s early planning process will formally require of federal departments and agencies certain critical commitments and responsibilities.
For example, all relevant federal agencies and bodies will have to identify possible issues and information requirements based upon early consultations with communities and Indigenous peoples that might be affected. In addition, there will be five structured outputs required of the impact assessment agency early in this early planning process critical to clarifying what is expected of the proponent.
First, the tailored Impact Statement Guidelines document will define explicitly how factors for review will apply to given projects and which ones will be the responsibility of the proponent and which ones the responsibility of the agent. This will clarify, for example, for each project factors to be determined or considered such as economic, health, social and, yes, gender-based analysis and climate change review requirements.
Second, an Indigenous engagement and partnership plan based upon consultation with Indigenous peoples will be prepared. That’s at least in part a direct response to industry concerns that they’re not clear about which communities they need to consult with.
Third, a public participation plan outlining parameters of public consultation will be delivered out of the pre-planning process.
Fourth, a cooperation plan detailing how agencies and jurisdictions will work together and avoid duplication will be a product of this early planning process.
Finally, there will be a permitting plan designed to streamline the post-approval permitting process.
These examples of provisions already in the bill underline how many of the weaknesses in CEAA 2012 have been addressed by Bill C-69. However, and this is very important, the input we have received over the past year, as intense and thorough as it has been, makes it clear that more can be done to enhance this bill.
The committee’s report includes a broad range of amendments designed to meet that objective. For example, there are many instances where ministerial powers can be delegated to officials reducing the political discretion that exists in CEAA 2012.
Certain amendments will clarify the scoping of factors for the particulars of each project, ensuring that those that should be done by the proponent will be but not necessarily requiring all of those to be done by the proponent.
Other amendments are directed at lowering the risk of litigation. Reassurance can be given through some of these amendments that economic competitiveness will be acknowledged more in this bill. Additional references to Indigenous rights and greater acknowledgment of the impacts of project development on Indigenous women are captured in amendments proposed by Senator McCallum.
Honourable senators, we have all worked extremely hard to understand these issues, to listen to stakeholders and translate what we heard into amendments. We have contributed to what I believe has been a remarkable public policy process, characterized by extensive public consultation and equally extensive review by the Senate.
I thank all of you, your staff and the Senate administrative staff once again for outstanding work on a very challenging policy issue.
I now simply suggest — I ask — that we send this bill, as amended, back to the House of Commons in an expeditious manner so that the government and the house can take a serious look at the amendments and propose a response.
Honourable senators, our country Canada is a land of plenty, and yet there is inequality and inequity in how our resources are shared. Many of our citizens are rendered hungry, homeless and vulnerable. What is worse, certain people face a dire struggle to obtain their inherent human dignity and basic human rights. How did we, as an internationally esteemed country, get here?
Colleagues, last week, you heard several perspectives on the narrative surrounding Bill C-69. Today, I want to share with you my perspective as an Indigenous woman and senator. As a member of the Standing Senate Committee on Energy, the Environment and Natural Resources, I was tasked with others here to study this bill. I feel compelled to share my disappointment with how Indigenous voices were often sidelined in favour of industry.
This issue was reflected by the committee’s travel itinerary. When the topic of travel was initially introduced, I asked if the committee could go to Fort Chip in Alberta or Fox Lake in Manitoba, both greatly impacted by resource extraction. The committee opted instead to visit city centres, which, I argue, favours industry headquarters and mobilization capacity as opposed to the remoteness and travel limitations faced by many Indigenous communities.
Honourable senators, I am sure most of you have heard a working group was formed, of which I was not a member, tasked to review the 200-plus amendments submitted by all senators on Bill C-69. They were asked to streamline these amendments for a more efficient journey through clause-by-clause.
What you did not hear was that the amendments that surrounded Indigenous issues — my amendments — were not allowed to be part of this agreement. All of the ISG amendments and all of the Conservative amendments, however, were. The committee then proceeded to pass all of these agreement-centric amendments, on division, on Thursday, May 16.
I strongly encourage every single senator here to review the transcripts of that meeting. You will see chunks of amendments in groups of 10, 12 and even 16 passed without a word of debate. The only interruption in this process was when my amendments came up — the ones not suitable to be included in this prearranged agreement. I, unlike the vast majority of others, had to fight for the amendments I had presented in committee on behalf of Indigenous groups across Canada.
Today, I will be presenting a single amendment that encompasses three of these, all dealing with the same subject matter: the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.
Colleagues, in response to assertions made by some senators that they would like a Canada-made solution, I and many others, support them wholeheartedly. In their preface of the second special report of the Centre for International Governance Innovation entitled, UNDRIP Implementation: More Reflections on the Braiding of International, Domestic and Indigenous Laws, Oonagh Fitzgerald and Larry Chartrand stated:
UNDRIP represents the concerted efforts of Indigenous leaders from around the world to stem the destructive and disempowering effects of colonialism and to create conditions for Indigenous peoples to reclaim their social, cultural, linguistic, spiritual, political, economic, environmental and legal autonomy.
Yet, many of these documents expressed concern that:
. . . Canada’s vision of Indigenous jurisdiction over lands and resources is a very narrow one, and perhaps little more than a modified version of the status quo.
They go on to say:
In September 2017, on the occasion of Canada’s 150th anniversary, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau made an impassioned speech to the UN General Assembly in which he acknowledged that . . . Canada was best seen as “a work in progress.” He referred to Canada’s colonial legacy, the broken promises and the harms that racist policies have inflicted on Inuit, Métis and First Nations peoples, and he renewed promises to use domestic implementation of UNDRIP as “a way forward” to correct past wrongs, support nation-to-nation, government-to-government, and Inuit-Crown relationships, and achieve reconciliation.
Honourable senators, First Nations from Canada went to the United Nations to help draft the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples since they had received no support from Canada on this effort. Chief Wilton Littlechild from Alberta went to the UN for 40 years to help draft the minimum standards that would protect Indigenous peoples. Despite this long road to fruition, UNDRIP is a solution that is proudly representative of the input of Indigenous peoples from Canada. In this way, it is very much a Canada-made solution.
This is perhaps best described by Chief Littlechild himself. In his address to the UN Human Rights Council on the sixtieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, he stated:
Sixty years ago the United Nations General Assembly adopted the world’s most important human rights document, an international law to recognize the inherent rights of all peoples. For the Cree Nation we say “Kikpaktinkosowin”, “Oyotamsowin”, those we are blessed with by the Great Spirit, Our Creator, rights we were born with as members of the human family. An inherent right to self-determination. An inherent right to govern ourselves, our territories and resources, according to our own laws and customs. Rights that were recognized for all peoples as the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world.
But in 1948 Indigenous Peoples were not included in the Universal Declaration [of Human Rights]. We were not considered to have equal rights as everyone else. Indeed we were not considered as human nor as peoples. Consequently, there were violations, at times gross violations of our human rights. Indigenous peoples simply did not benefit from the rights and freedoms set forth in the Universal Declaration.
. . . In my community the leaders and Elders gathered in the mid-seventies, very concerned about this. . . . After much deliberation and spiritual ceremonies they decided to seek recognition and justice from the international community. We were here in 1977, when we could not gain access so we could inform the UN family of nations about our issues and concerns. The Maskwacis Cree delegations have been coming here since then. Yes, we have called attention to ongoing Treaty and Treaty rights’ violations but we have always also recommended solutions for positive change, recognition and inclusion.
Chief Littlechild concludes by saying:
Many challenges remain. Why is it that we as indigenous tribes, peoples and nations continue to lead in all the negative statistics? Why is it that there is still abject poverty among our families, especially our children? Why is it in our country the education of indigenous students is in a crisis? Why is it that we continue to be excluded from the economic mainstream, . . .? Why is it that our treaties continue to be violated? . . . Why do [States] want to pick and choose which rights they want to uphold, contrary to the statement of the Secretary-General today? . . .
I would not do justice to those I represent not to call on others to:
Say Yes to a new framework for partnership.
Say Yes to honoring treaties and agreements with mutual respect for each other.
Say Yes to our full inclusion and continued contribution to humankind. . . .
Honourable senators, as this was a commitment made by the Canadian government and not by industry or a project’s proponent, this amendment ensures that this responsibility lies solely with government. This is accomplished by the reference within these amended clauses to the decision statement in clause 65 of this bill, which would ensure that any reference to UNDRIP is connected to government action and consideration and not the actions of individuals or companies.
I will close by extending my thanks for allowing me the opportunity to speak to the critical human rights element of this bill. At times, the nature of the conversation has been industry laden, which underscores the importance for me to bring balance and give voice to the Indigenous perspective.
Senators, our Constitution is put in place to protect individuals and not industry. I respectfully ask that you join me in supporting this amendment.