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National Strategy for the Prevention of Intimate Partner Violence Bill

Third Reading

November 26, 2024


Hon. Fabian Manning [ + ]

A few moments ago, I touched on the fact that we can never forget that 1,181 Indigenous women went missing or were murdered between 1980 and 2012. Half of Aboriginal victims of spousal violence reported experiencing among the more severe forms of spousal violence, such as having been sexually assaulted, beaten, choked or threatened with a gun or knife. That is compared with just one quarter, or 23%, of non‑Aboriginal victims of spousal violence.

I believe I would be remiss if I did not take this opportunity today to talk about and promote the Moose Hide Campaign. For those of you who may not be aware of this campaign, its inspiration came to the co-founders, Paul Lacerte and his daughter Raven, in 2011 during a moose hunting trip on their traditional territory along the Highway of Tears in British Columbia where so many women have gone missing or have been murdered.

The Moose Hide Campaign is a grassroots movement of Indigenous and non-Indigenous men and boys who are standing up against violence toward women and children. Wearing the moose hide pin, such as I am doing today, signifies your commitment to honour, respect and protect the women and children in your life and to speak out against gender-based domestic and intimate partner violence.

Since the start of the campaign, an excess of 5 million moosehide pins have been distributed throughout Canada, which has generated many conversations about ending the violence against our women and children. I encourage all of you to support the campaign and to take a strong stand against the violence.

Another disturbing statistic is that 60% of women with a disability experienced some form of violence. Given that only approximately 10% of assaults are reported, the actual number is much higher. Almost two thirds, or 63%, of spousal violence victims said they have been victimized more than once before they contacted the police. Nearly 3 in 10, or 28%, stated they had been victimized more than 10 times before contacting the police.

The total cost of intimate partner violence in Canada is estimated at $7.4 billion per year, accounting for $220 per capita. The most direct economic impact is borne by primary victims. Of the total estimated cost, $6 billion is incurred by victims as a direct result of spousal violence for items such as medical attention, hospitalization, lost wages, missed school days and stolen and damaged property. The justice system bore 7.3%, or $545 million, of the total economic impact.

While family violence is a concern for all Canadians, women report intimate partner violence to police nearly four times more than men and are almost three times more likely than men to be killed by a current or former spouse. Almost half, or 48%, of women reported fearing for their life as a result of post‑separation violence.

Numerous intimate partner violence death reviews, inquiries and coroners’ reports have cited the lack of coordination among officials operating in the family law, child protection and criminal justice systems as a contributing factor in tragic family homicides.

As I mentioned earlier, whether you were speaking on my bill or to the inquiry into intimate partner violence spearheaded by Senator Boniface, I have listened intently and learned so much. I am very grateful to all of you for your continued support.

One of the speeches that really resonated with me was the one given by my friend Senator Brent Cotter on May 21 of this year. It was the day of my sixtieth birthday, so I consider his speech that day as an unexpected gift. I have taken the liberty to repeat some of Senator Cotter’s comments today because I truly believe they are worth repeating and repeating again. I am confident that Senator Cotter will not mind me doing so.

The vast majority of victims of intimate partner violence are women and the vast majority of perpetrators are men. Victim services are often too lacking, distant and inaccessible, and privacy is a concern in small rural communities. Despite the important work of advocates throughout this country, there is a noted lack of safe shelters, transportation and timely service provision.

Senator Cotter spoke of his own personal experience as a young lawyer in Saskatoon when he represented a woman seeking an uncontested divorce. The ground for the divorce was physical cruelty. When the woman told her then-husband that she was planning to move out, he punched her in the face and knocked her off her feet. In summing up the case, the judge asked Senator Cotter what the evidence was of the physical cruelty to justify the divorce. When Senator Cotter referenced the punch that knocked her to the ground, the judge replied, “That’s not cruelty. She deserved that.”

It was very disturbing to hear that story.

Up until 1983, the Criminal Code of Canada defined rape in the following way: A male person commits rape when he has sexual intercourse with a female person who is not his wife without consent.

That was the law in Canada from 1892 to 1983 — it’s not that long ago, colleagues. It was not just a culture but a legal sanction, almost an invitation, for sexual assault of one’s spouse.

I totally agree with Senator Cotter that it is not surprising that the culture that tolerates intimate partner violence today lives on and that a crucial route to change that culture is through education. We need education modules addressing intimate partner violence matters from kindergarten to high school.

Last evening, I was delighted to hear from 16-year-old Sarah Walters of Trenton, Ontario, who told me that one of her courses at school teaches her and her classmates about healthy relationships. I was very pleased to hear that.

With this in mind, we must all work together to educate ourselves and others. We must become more proactive. In the words of the RESOLVE Network:

For far too long, the burden of protecting and supporting women and their children has fallen squarely on the shoulders of shelter workers and women’s advocates, and indeed women themselves. . . .

The Mass Casualty Commission in Nova Scotia got this message loud and clear. Here is what it says:

We recognize the critical need for more men and boys to become actively engaged in efforts to prevent and intervene in gender-based violence. Furthermore, it adds insult to injury to see that women, particularly survivors of gender-based violence, have also been forced to tirelessly lead this change. It is time for more men to be part of the solution. . . . “The bulk of the responsibility for this work over decades, maybe hundreds of years, has been on the shoulders of women. We need men to step up . . . .”

I have heard from many of you here and across the country who are pleased that I, as a man, am spearheading this piece of legislation. I am truly honoured to do so, and as you contemplate supporting this bill, I ask you to keep in mind the following facts — and believe me, I could go on for another hour with statistics and facts, but I will just touch on a few here this evening: Every six days, a woman is killed in Canada by her intimate partner; the most dangerous time for a woman to be a victim of intimate partner violence is when she is trying to leave the relationship; the support system, the justice system and current legislation are inadequate to address the epidemic of intimate partner violence that we face in Canada today; and throughout the world, according to the World Health Organization, a woman is killed by her intimate partner every 10 minutes, so by this time tomorrow, the world will have lost another 144 women to intimate partner violence.

Today is our call to action; it’s time to act now.

Intimate partner violence can occur in both public and private spaces as well as online and in many other ways, but they all deal with the issue of one person gaining control over another individual. Intimate partner violence is all about control.

With that in mind, and on behalf victims and their families, I respectfully ask for your support of Bill S-249.

During our deliberations at committee, we accepted some amendments. I would just like to touch upon a few of those before I finish.

One of the amendments we accepted was a change that focused on the actions to prevent intimate partner violence and not necessarily the development of a formal duplicate of a national strategy for the prevention of intimate partner violence.

We also moved an amendment with a focus on actions to prevent intimate partner violence. This change underscored the need for ongoing engagement with federal, provincial and territorial partners while aligning this work with existing engagement mechanisms that are already in place to provide advice and guidance on the ongoing implementation of the National Action Plan to End Gender-Based Violence. It is critical that the full range of partners is reflected, not just the ones that were listed in the bill beforehand.

So the former wording was somewhat narrow and didn’t recognize other key partnerships that can help prevent intimate partner violence. The amendment will expand the scope of the partnerships beyond those that are currently listed, including ways to hear from health professionals who support intimate partner violence victims in health care settings. This amendment will also recognize their engagements are continuing as part of the ongoing implementation of the national action plan.

One of the amendments we put forward is that two years from the day this bill becomes law, a report must be presented in both the House of Commons and here in the Senate on the progress of dealing with intimate partner violence in this country, and every two years after that, a report will have to be tabled in both houses. At least we will have accountability regarding where the government will be at the time of the bill.

When I presented the first version of the bill in April 2018, I chose to begin my speech with a quote that I want to end my speech with tonight. First, I want to thank you all for listening and supporting Bill S-249. I want to once again thank Georgina McGrath, who is in our gallery here tonight. In closing, I will conclude my remarks with the words of Kofi Annan, the former UN Secretary-General:

. . . Violence against women is perhaps the most shameful human rights violation. And, it is perhaps the most pervasive. It knows no boundaries of geography, culture or wealth. As long as it continues, we cannot claim to be making real progress towards equality, development and peace.

Senators, it is time to act now.

Hon. Salma Ataullahjan [ + ]

Senator Manning, will you take a question?

Senator Manning [ + ]

Yes, I will.

Senator Ataullahjan [ + ]

Senator Manning, I know you went and met with people in the Greater Toronto Area, so you are aware that, in certain communities, there still exists a stigma around intimate partner violence in that they’re not willing to speak about it. They tend to hesitate. I know that, in my extended family, I’ve had people who wouldn’t speak about it and wouldn’t seek help.

Do you feel that we should pass this bill without delay in the hope that it will encourage those who hesitate to report this form of violence to come out and seek help?

Also, I want to acknowledge Georgina’s strength for speaking out.

Senator Manning [ + ]

Thank you, Senator Ataullahjan, and thank you for your support of the bill from day one.

It is not only in the communities that you talked about; throughout the country, there is a stigma. People are afraid to come forward for whatever reasons — embarrassment, fear, the control factor, whatever the case may be.

As I said in my comments, I don’t believe that my bill is going to solve all the problems of intimate partner violence, but I do believe that the more we discuss it, debate it and bring forward other pieces of legislation here, we will take the cloak off of intimate partner violence and create a space where people will feel comfortable talking about it and coming forward.

It will help educate people, Senator Ataullahjan, that there is help out there. There are shelters out there, although a lot are full to capacity. There is 911 if there are immediate concerns. There are support mechanisms out there.

We certainly need to improve and build upon them, but I think through the process of this bill and other pieces of legislation, of the many things that were stigmatic 20, 30, 40 and 50 years ago that we didn’t talk about, we are now more comfortably talking about them. I feel my bill is part of that process, and I certainly hope at the end of the day people will feel more comfortable talking about it and seeking the help that so many need.

Hon. Iris G. Petten [ + ]

Honourable senators, I’m pleased to rise today as the Government Liaison in the Senate to speak to Bill S-249, An Act respecting the development of a national strategy for the prevention of intimate partner violence.

I want to begin by thanking Senator Manning for introducing such an important piece of legislation. This is not just a policy issue; it is a moral imperative and a call to action to protect the rights, dignity and safety of Canadians across the country who have been impacted by intimate partner violence.

In Canada, an alarming 44% of women who have ever been in an intimate relationship — roughly 6.2 million women — have experienced some form of psychological, physical or sexual violence at the hands of a partner. The number is even greater for Indigenous women, LGBTQ2+ women and women living with disabilities. Those are staggering statistics.

According to the World Health Organization, on behalf of the United Nations Inter-Agency Working Group on Violence Against Women Estimation and Data, violence by a husband or a male intimate partner is the most widespread form of violence against women. Globally, 852 million women aged 15 and older are estimated to have experienced physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence, non-partner sexual violence or both.

The working group affirmed that addressing violence against women requires concerted action, funding and investment.

Earlier this year, I participated in a day-long round table in St. John’s, Newfoundland and Labrador, on intimate partner violence, where I was able to listen and learn. It was a highly valuable experience and helped inform my subsequent attendance at our Social Affairs, Science and Technology Committee, where Bill S-249 was discussed.

I’d like to take a moment or two to talk about the Social Affairs Committee meeting, because it’s where we heard from Georgina McGrath, a woman whose story — and bravery in telling it — instigated the creation of this bill. Georgina appeared to speak about her experience as a survivor of intimate partner violence.

Please note that some of these details may be distressing to some listeners. I want to use Georgina’s words as much as possible, because, as she herself stated, she is speaking for thousands of women who stand behind her and cannot speak for themselves.

She said:

When I speak, it is from my experiences.

I am 54 years old, and I grew up in Labrador City, Newfoundland and Labrador. I am the mother of two beautiful children . . . I am a grandmother to our precious grandson . . . I am a daughter, a sister, a mother-in-law, an aunt and a friend. Today, I am the proud wife of one of the most gentle, kindest, understanding men one could ever have the pleasure of knowing. . . . We live in . . . St. Mary’s Bay, Newfoundland and Labrador, in a house in front of the Atlantic Ocean with a little hobby farm. Today, I am safe.

She continued, saying:

In 2012, I wasn’t looking for a relationship, just someone to have a mature friendship. That’s when I met the biggest manipulator of my life. He was from Ireland and had come to live in Labrador City. . . . I actually gave him a job. We were friends initially. He treated me quite well. Although he was younger, I thought he was intriguing and a lot of fun to be around. He had befriended my children, especially my son. We all spent a lot of time together, and we became more than friends. That was against all my business morals, as I didn’t believe in dating an employee. Although I couldn’t see any red flags at the time, they were there. I allowed myself to become blind once again. I let go all my insecurities and was willing to spend the rest of my life with this person. The red flag I missed initially was money — not financial abuse on his part but him using me for every cent I had, and I allowed this.

About a year later, in September 2013, we went to Las Vegas. The very first night, I received my first punch, but this time I fought back. This was the start of the same cycle continuing within myself and allowing someone else to take control. . . .

Georgina’s full testimony is, of course, available on the Senate’s website, and I encourage all my colleagues to watch it.

I asked her about support or resources she received or wished she would have received, and she replied:

I want you all to know that I didn’t get here today just by the click of a finger. I went through a lot of counselling. . . .

Resources that I wish that I had received — I felt I was so let down by our local police detachment. I was always under the understanding that zero tolerance policy was right across our country. It certainly wasn’t there for me in Labrador City during that time. . . .

The committee, as we heard from Senator Manning last Tuesday, amended the short title of Bill S-249 from “National Strategy for the Prevention of Intimate Partner Violence Act” to “Georgina’s Law.” I applaud this change, as I do Georgina’s courage to appear in front of the Social Affairs Committee to share her experiences.

As Senator Manning stated, passing this bill would be a step in the right direction. The federal government put in place the National Action Plan to End Gender-Based Violence. This 10‑year plan is backed by a $525-million investment to support provinces and territories in addressing this critical issue. Agreements are in place with each province and territory to help them tackle their specific challenges and priorities, based on the five key areas of the national action plan. This bill would enshrine that action plan into law.

Our colleague Senator Dasko gave a statement last year on the signal for help created by the Canadian Women’s Foundation, which I believe bears repeating, as it is one way we can all support women in distress. It is palm up, thumb in, fingers over.

The Canadian Women’s Foundation also has a free Signal for Help Responder Mini Course, through which you can learn the basics of supporting someone who is experiencing abuse. A national framework would support efforts such as these undertaken by organizations and individuals by ensuring that a roadmap for change and a collective vision for addressing intimate partner violence is understood and shared by all.

Earlier, I shared some distressing statistics with you that reflect a harsh reality. It’s important to remember that crimes like intimate partner violence often go unreported, so these figures only offer a glimpse of what is truly happening. They likely represent a fraction of the broader and often hidden experience.

Why is there a need for a national framework on intimate partner violence? The answer is simple: because fragmented solutions are not enough. Through the government’s National Action Plan to End Gender-Based Violence, there is accountability for all provinces and territories to report annual progress on addressing gender-based violence. This plan allows for a cohesive response to gender-based violence, guided by five key principles: first, support for survivors and their families; second, prevention; third, promotion of responsive legal and justice systems; fourth, support for Indigenous-led approaches and informed responses; and fifth, social infrastructure and enabling environment.

Bill S-249 signals to all survivors that no matter the government of the day, there will be a plan in place to address intimate partner violence, and a progress report must be tabled in the House of Commons every two years to show what the government is doing to address this issue. The government will now always be held accountable on making this a priority.

Moreover, a national strategy would allow us to begin to address the root causes of domestic violence. We cannot simply treat the symptoms; we must tackle the underlying issues. Colleagues, intimate partner violence has long been dismissed as a private matter between couples, something that happens behind closed doors and often goes unnoticed, but addressing the perpetuation of this violent crime is a responsibility that each one of us bears.

With recent troubling trends on social media targeting and threatening violence against women, we need to take a stand and say that no matter who it is or where it happens, we, as a country, will not accept such behaviour.

I want to quote Georgina one last time to conclude my remarks. She said:

Senators . . . I beg you to pass this bill expeditiously. There is a lot of work to be done. This is now on your shoulders. I want you to remember that you are the only people in our country who can give those thousands of voiceless women who stand behind me a chance at life and a chance at survival.

Please join me in voting in favour of Bill S-249 at third reading. Thank you.

Hon. Wanda Thomas Bernard [ + ]

Honourable senators, I rise today to also speak in support of Bill S-249, An Act respecting the development of a national strategy for the prevention of intimate partner violence, also known as Georgina’s Law.

Georgina, I want to thank you and your family for being here. I remember very intently your speech, and our colleague has just highlighted some of the key messages.

Senator Manning, thank you for championing such an important issue.

Colleagues, tomorrow I am participating in a panel discussion as part of the 16 Days of Activism Against Gender-based Violence. This year’s theme, as you have heard, is “Come Together, Act Now.” As I was preparing for this panel, I was reflecting more and more on Senator Manning’s bill on intimate partner violence. The panel I am speaking on is called “Beyond the Silence: Black Women’s Leadership in Addressing Gender-based Violence.”

I found much of the testimony at our Social Affairs Committee’s study of the bill very difficult to listen to. In fact, it was triggering. Being triggered resulted in my reluctance to speak on this bill, but after some exploration and deeper reflection about this, I realized that I have both personal and professional reasons for being triggered. Hence, I decided to speak to Bill S-249 to add my voice to the debates to amplify the voice of Black Canadian women. I have decided to emphasize both perspectives, adding to our collective study of this bill.

First, the personal connection: I know the impact of witnessing violence as a child. I grew up in a home where my mother was a survivor of intimate partner violence. My father was killed in a very tragic car accident when I was 12, and for years I had a hard time remembering anything positive about my father because the memories of the violence left such deep scars. I am feeling them even now.

The impact of such scars can be such a heavy weight, a weight you carry with you for the rest of your life. This heavy weight can fuel long-lasting hurt, trauma, anger, bitterness, maybe even rage. I have felt all of those. But it can also fuel a passion to make the world a safer place for women. I have personally found a way to use my family’s experience to fuel my passion and my deep commitment to breaking the silence around violence in our families and our communities.

So imagine, colleagues, over 60 years later, the topic is still triggering for me. Ultimately, though, this is what pushed me to stand up for those who are not able to express their experiences related to intimate partner violence, so I am here to advocate for those women and families. As Senator Manning reminded us a few minutes ago, children are also silent victims of intimate partner violence.

This leads me to my professional journey, the professional work I have done in this area. As a social worker in mental health, as a travelling counsellor who travelled the County of Halifax, as a professor of social work and as a private practice practitioner, I have worked with hundreds and hundreds of women survivors of intimate partner violence, women who came forward about the violence they experienced and women who were not able to come forward with their reality. And I have also worked with a few men who have been victims of intimate partner violence.

One of the things I love about this bill is the fact that it has a focus on prevention through education. Back in the 1980s, as a very young social worker, I met with the then Minister of Education, the Honourable Tom McInnis, now a retired senator, with a proposal to bring an educational program around healthy relationships to the public school system in Nova Scotia. This was the early 1980s. Unfortunately, the proposal was not accepted, but I think that now there is more of an appetite to do this. There is more awareness of the need for education to start early, as Senator Manning has reminded us repeatedly. I believe that a focus on education around healthy relationships and the impacts of misogyny and sexism are essential to prevention.

While our language and terminology have changed over these past four decades that I have been involved in this work, the impact has not. My interest, in particular, is in breaking the silence around violence in African Nova Scotian communities. That is where I have spent a lot of my time. During my time as a leader in the Nova Scotia Association of Black Social Workers over the past 45 years, we have organized conferences, workshops, seminars and educational programs, engaging young girls and women and seniors and even men and boys to bring awareness to communities to end gender-based violence and intimate partner violence. We have also engaged in youth education programs to focus more on prevention.

Yet, dear colleagues, the violence continues. At times, the impact of the work on the ground can feel minuscule when looking at the high rates of intimate partner violence across Canada in general and in Black communities in particular.

A Statistics Canada report in 2021 highlighted that 42% of Black women disclosed having experienced intimate partner violence or domestic violence. Yet, we know from research that colleagues at Dalhousie University have done that many of these women suffer in silence. I was involved in a research project called “The Culturally Responsive Healthcare to Address Gender-Based Violence Within African Nova Scotian Communities.” This project, led by Dr. Nancy Ross, explored Black women’s experiences with gender-based violence during COVID. We learned that the majority of the women interviewed were more concerned about the violence of racism they experienced than about the intimate partner violence they were experiencing. They feared coming forward about intimate partner violence because of the lack of culturally responsive care in health, social services and policing.

There is such a stigma associated with violence in Black families and communities, and we have worked to find ways to break through the stigma and to break through the silence. And, as I shared earlier, when you have experienced or witnessed intimate partner violence, it can be retraumatizing to talk about it. It should not fall on the shoulders of survivors to describe their experiences in order for change to happen.

I support this bill, and I hope that it is supported by our colleagues in the other place because this ongoing national epidemic needs a systemic approach. As the minister engages with a full range of partners in leading national action, I would encourage the specific attention to an intersectional lens looking at intimate partner violence, particularly the inclusion of Black women and communities, in order to recognize the historic silence of intimate partner violence in these particular communities that face more stigma and truly fear coming forward.

Colleagues, to conclude, I encourage you to support Bill S-249 so we can see a more significant change in the pervasive issue of intimate partner violence in Canada. It is time to “Come Together, Act Now.” Asante.

Hon. René Cormier [ + ]

Honourable senators, one day after the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women, I’m rising at third reading of Bill S-249, An Act respecting national action for the prevention of intimate partner violence. I want to thank Senator Manning for introducing this very important bill and I want to acknowledge that I’m speaking from the unceded territory of the Algonquin Anishinaabe people.

Intimate partner violence has reached absolutely unacceptable proportions in Canada. That is a fact. Whether psychological, verbal, economic, physical or sexual, domestic violence is far too prevalent in our society and it demands urgent, meaningful action.

Colleagues, did you know that, around the world, one woman is killed every 10 minutes as a result of domestic violence? According to Statistics Canada, between 2014 and 2019, 3.5% of Canadians with a spouse or common-law partner reported that they had been the victims of domestic violence, which is a form of violence that more often affects women. In 2019, 4.2% of women in Canada reported experiencing this type of violence compared to 2.7% of men. Between 2014 and 2019, 80% of the 500 Canadians who were killed by their intimate partner were women.

From adolescence, women are more likely to experience severe forms of intimate partner violence including sexual assaults, threats and acts directed against their loved ones. They are also far more likely to lose their lives in femicides related to domestic violence. As Senator Manning mentioned in his speech on the committee’s report, since he first introduced this bill in the Senate in April 2018, over 1,000 women have been killed by their intimate partner in Canada.

To tackle this extremely disturbing reality, the new version of Bill S-249 following a study in committee provides that, and I quote, “The Minister must continue to lead national action to prevent and address intimate partner violence.” In leading such national action, and I quote:

 . . . the Minister must engage annually with other federal ministers and with provincial ministers responsible for the status of women and regularly with Indigenous partners, victims and survivors, and stakeholders.

The bill specifies that discussions between the minister and stakeholders must focus on the following:

 . . . the adequacy of current programs and strategies aimed at preventing intimate partner violence and at protecting and assisting victims of intimate partner violence;

However, colleagues, without minimizing the horror of the violence perpetrated against women — remembering that my own mother was a victim of intimate partner violence — and that I am so honoured to speak on this bill in the presence of Georgina McGrath, we must admit that the current strategies and programs are not always adequate as they have several significant blind spots such as addressing intimate partner violence against men, violence between same-sex partners and the impact of domestic violence on children.

Indeed, although women are the most frequent victims of the more serious types of such partner violence, violence against men also needs to be called out and forcefully condemned. For whether they’re involved in a heterosexual or homosexual relationship, some men, sadly, are also victims. Although this reality is often ignored, the statistics show that 2.7% of men, or approximately 280,000 men in Canada, were subjected to partner violence between 2014 and 2019. Some studies report that men account for up to one-third of intimate partner violence victims.

Between 1999 and 2019, Statistics Canada reports that 5.92% of women and 5.12% of men were victims of partner violence. Although women are seven times more likely to be murdered by their partners, men were also represented among these statistical losses. In 2021, nearly one-quarter of the 90 spousal murder victims were men.

During our committee’s study, we heard powerful testimonies relating the experiences of some men who have been victims of intimate partner violence and suffered severe physical and psychological consequences such as partial loss of vision, head trauma, suicide attempts and substance dependency to cope with their suffering.

In an article published on November 7 in the National Post dedicated to the hidden world of male victims of domestic abuse, Matt, a victim, recounts the physical abuse he endured. He admits that he hesitated to call the police, fearing he wouldn’t be taken seriously because of his gender. Eventually, it was a family member, alarmed by his confessions, who took the initiative to contact the authorities.

Just like women, colleagues, some men often find themselves trapped in situations where they must choose between their own safety and that of their children. They fear leaving them with a violent partner but often have no alternative. Thus, out of concern for their children and due to a lack of shelters, they remain in abusive relationships. The fear of losing custody of their children weighs heavily on their decision to stay with their partner.

Also, when they turn to law enforcement, health professionals or aid agencies, men often face suspicion. They aren’t always taken seriously and, sometimes, are even falsely accused of being the abusers.

A 2012 study by Professor Don Dutton of the University of British Columbia reveals that more than half of men who reported violence to the police were treated as abusers rather than victims. These realities help explain the reluctance many men have about seeking help. They often fear not being believed, being ridiculed or falsely accused.

Appearing before the committee, Dr. Rob Whitley recounted some disturbing testimony on this issue. A male victim of violence who had contacted the police was asked what he had done to “deserve” the beating he had received. This kind of reaction illustrates why so many men are reluctant to file a report.

Also, despite the seriousness of the domestic violence they’ve experienced, men report them to the police far less frequently than women. The same witness told the committee that less than 20% of male victims of domestic violence report their experience to the police or health care professionals.

We must recognize that when a man is the victim of domestic violence, whether he’s in a heterosexual relationship or a same-sex relationship, it doesn’t line up with our perception of victims of this type of violence.

The difficulty men have in coming forward, colleagues, contributes to the significant gap between official police data, which primarily identifies women as victims, and self-reported data, which shows that men experience intimate partner violence also. The stigma associated with being a male victim of domestic violence largely explains the under-reporting of the violence they endure. This is why police statistics show a majority of male perpetrators and female victims while self-reported data presents a much more balanced ratio. As a result, male victims often become invisible in official data. This under-reporting erases their existence from the statistics, which limits recognition of their situation and contributes to the lack of services available to them.

Colleagues, currently in Canada, services created specifically for male victims of domestic violence are practically non‑existent. When they exist, the professionals who provide these services aren’t always well equipped to provide help to male victims. There is a clear gap between the reality experienced by male victims of domestic violence and the services they are offered.

Among the 600 shelters for victims of domestic violence in Canada, only 4% accept men, and it is rare for them to be able to welcome men and their children. Organizations such as the Canadian Centre for Men and Families, run by Justin Trottier, try to fill these gaps by providing shelters for men in Toronto and Calgary, but these efforts are too few to fully meet the need that exists across Canada.

Colleagues, it is clear that intimate partner violence impacts everyone, regardless of gender or sexual orientation. It may be that men are far too often perceived only as the abusers, but they can also be the victims, a reality that is essential to recognize.

Another troubling reality, colleagues, is that intimate partner violence — whether it targets men, women, heterosexual or queer individuals — has profound repercussions on the children exposed to it. These children may directly witness acts of violence by seeing them, hearing them or even trying to intervene. Children can also suffer negative effects without being direct witnesses. For example, they may observe the physical injuries of a parent, notice changes in their behaviour or be affected by the intervention of law enforcement or child protection services.

According to a study published by the Department of Justice:

In 2014, 70% of adults who reported having witnessed parental violence in their homes as children also reported having been a victim of childhood physical or sexual abuse.

This shows that intimate partner violence is often correlated with direct violence against children.

Intimate partner violence has a profound and lasting impact on the development of children who witness it, whether they are directly or indirectly exposed to it. In toddlers, it can cause attachment disorders and hinder cognitive development.

In school-aged children, intimate partner violence often results in behavioural and emotional difficulties. In adolescents, it affects their mental health and distorts their understanding of relationships. In adulthood, the long-term effects can lead to chronic physical and mental illness and an increased risk of perpetuating or being a victim of violence.

Colleagues, although many children who have been exposed to intimate partner violence go on to develop healthy, harmonious relationships as adults, research shows that boys brought up in violent homes are more likely to behave violently in their intimate relationships, while girls are at greater risk of becoming victims.

Unfortunately, I, like many Canadians, was born and raised in a family where domestic violence was present. I remember all too well the nights when, as a child, I lay petrified in bed, listening as my father assaulted my mother.

I remember that eight-year-old child’s distress as he trembled in his bed, powerless to defend his mother.

I remember the enormous psychological distress, caught between love for his mother, love for his father and the wish that the violence would stop. Not to minimize my father’s actions, but I also remember how depressed he was when he woke up in the morning and realized the senseless things he’d done to my mother.

As kind and caring as my father could be to his wife and 10 children, he nevertheless became violent and controlling towards my mother and our family when he drank. Colleagues, I often wonder whether he would have done such awful things if he had received the help he so desperately needed at the time.

For a long time, as a young adult, I was plagued by fear and anxiety at the thought that I or someone close to me might be subjected to such violence, or even worse, that I might inflict it on others.

I feel very strongly, and always have, that we won’t solve the problem of violence against women and other victims if we don’t do something about the root of that violence, which this bill could do.

Bill S-249 provides that the minister must continue to lead national action to prevent and address intimate partner violence. It is crucial that this national action takes into account all the factors mentioned above and is inclusive of all victims, whether they are women, men or people who identify outside these categories. This means that discussions with stakeholders must include male survivors of intimate partner violence, whether they are heterosexual or queer.

The purpose of the consultations provided for in the bill is to assess the adequacy of current programs and strategies aimed at preventing intimate partner violence and at protecting and assisting victims of intimate partner violence.

This effort must ensure that these programs and strategies are evaluated based on their ability to protect and support all victims of domestic violence, including women, men and people outside the binary gender categories.

Honourable Senators, for our policies to be effective, they have to reflect the full complexity of the reality of spousal violence in our society. They have to protect and help every victim, regardless of their gender, gender identity or sexual orientation.

Of course, I will vote to adopt Bill S-249 at third reading. Once again, I thank Senator Manning and Ms. McGrath.

I hope that the minister responsible will take full account of the reality affecting all these categories of victims in our society. This is the only way that we can effectively prevent and fight intimate partner violence in Canada.

Thank you for your attention. Meegwetch.

Hon. Joan Kingston [ + ]

Honourable senators, I rise today to speak in support of Bill S-249, the national strategy for the prevention of intimate partner violence act.

I would like to commend Senator Manning for his work and advocacy on this bill. I would also like to say how touched I am that Georgina is here and that Senator Petten has told her story, yet again. To my colleagues who have talked about their personal experiences: That takes heart. Thank you for that.

In developing a national strategy for the prevention of intimate partner violence, the act mandates the minister to consult with other federal ministers; representatives of provincial governments who are responsible for social development, families and public safety; and representatives of groups who provide services to or advocate on behalf of victims of intimate partner violence with respect to the adequacy of current programs and strategies aimed at preventing intimate partner violence and at protecting and assisting victims of intimate partner violence.

In particular, it’s the availability of timely assistance for victims that I will give focus to today.

More than 40% of Canadian women experience intimate partner violence, or IPV, from a current or former partner in their lifetime, and IPV is an epidemic whose victims are primarily women. Violence affects women’s safety, health, finances and relationships, often for a long time, yet most supports are short-term and crisis-oriented. Health impacts, in particular, have a high social and economic cost, affecting women’s parenting, work productivity and long-term well-being.

Children who experience IPV in the home can have their mental health and development affected. They are also more likely to experience unhealthy and violent relationships as adults. Up to 80% of women never seek formal supports for IPV, especially if they live in places without a lot of services, as Senator Manning has pointed out, or with long wait-lists for help. Many women also cite barriers such as shame, stigma, fear over privacy, fear of the abuser finding out or just not knowing where to start or what to expect.

In short, women experiencing IPV face a wide range of challenges in making the decision to leave an abusive relationship and in the transition of separation from an abusive partner, challenges that often persist over a long time. Although women have been shown to seek help for many types of services, including health care, few interventions address the breadth and complexity of women’s needs and priorities or have been shown to produce multiple benefits.

To address existing gaps, I am proud to say that there is a program that research has shown to have had positive results for women who are victims of IPV. The program called iHEAL is funded by the Public Health Agency of Canada and is currently available at three sites: the Middlesex-London Health Unit in London, Ontario; Fredericton Downtown Community Health Centre; and the Kilala Lelum Urban Indigenous Health and Healing Cooperative in Vancouver, B.C.

The examples of coercive control that I shared during my remarks supporting Bill C-332 were from women who are participating at the New Brunswick site of the iHEAL program.

The iHEAL research is led by Dr. Marilyn Ford-Gilboe, from Western University’s School of Nursing in Ontario; Dr. Kelly Scott-Storey, from the University of New Brunswick’s Faculty of Nursing; and Dr. Annette Browne, from the University of British Columbia School of Nursing. They developed the Intervention for Health Enhancement and Living, or iHEAL, as an evidence-based health promotion intervention designed to support women in the transition of separating from an abusive partner to identify and manage health and other concerns.

iHEAL is informed by the qualitative grounded theory “Strengthening Capacity to Limit Intrusion,” which describes the multiple priorities of women who are separating from an abusive partner and the concurrent “intrusive” challenges they face as they work to create a different life for themselves and their children.

This theory gave rise to the six components of the intervention, each of which focuses on an issue known to affect women’s well-being. The breadth of iHEAL — where nurses focus concurrently on women’s physical and emotional safety, health and well-being, relationships and connections with others, and basic needs over time as they negotiate the transition of separation and its trauma- and violence-informed and equity-oriented approach — is novel among intimate partner violence interventions. In particular, iHEAL addresses an important gap in interventions for women experiencing intimate partner violence by taking a long-term perspective on women’s needs for support since many interventions and services focus on the crisis period around leaving and less on the longer-term issues and needs of women across the process of separation, including while trying to create a life separate from their partner.

Based on its theoretical grounding and research base, they designed iHEAL to be appropriate for women who have named their relationship as abusive and are taking steps to address this in some way. This does not have to be by separating, although the majority of women who experience intimate partner violence in the Canadian context do eventually separate from their abusive partner.

The research findings show that tailored, trauma- and violence-informed and women-led support from a trained registered nurse has important sustained benefits for women experiencing violence and its health effects. Registered nurses are ideally suited to offer iHEAL but require additional education and clinical and organizational supports to do so in a way that retains benefits for women. Given that nurses are the largest group of health care providers in Canada and are present in almost every community, both large and small, the potential for scale-up of iHEAL into existing services is high.

Researchers have also developed an app to complement the program. The iHEAL app helps women take control of their lives. It’s free, private and confidential and available in French and English. Activities and topics related to health, relationships, finances and safety are introduced based on what we know from research about women’s needs and priorities. There are interactive activities — such as danger assessment, safety action checklist, symptom checklist, healthy partner relationships and shaping your family — and information topics that help women think about their situation and their options. Women indicate their province or territory so that the app can provide tailored links to resources, with a brief description of each, appropriate for that location, and women can search for resources. Information, activities and resources can be saved, allowing women to customize the app for their own needs over time.

The app is trauma- and violence-informed. It’s designed to work with women where they are and provide practical information to help women plan next steps without judgment. It emphasizes her strengths and her successes, taking the complexities of life and her options into account and putting control in women’s hands. I also know from having used the app a little bit that it has safety measures built in so that women will not be caught using the app, if that’s a problem.

The app is in demand, with more than 6,000 active users across Canada in its first year. A growing number of service providers — for instance, police, nurses and settlement services — are referring women to the app or using it within the services they provide, expanding supports offered to women, as the iHEAL program is also doing that.

As witnesses at the Senate committee meeting on Bill S-249, the Registered Nurses’ Association of Ontario advocated that nurses in particular are central to intimate partner violence prevention and intervention in all health settings because they are frequently the first member of the health team to interface with patients experiencing intimate partner violence, and they are a common point of contact with clients during times of stress and illness as well as during developmental transitions such as adolescence, pregnancy, parenthood and lifelong trajectories.

Survey data shows that nursing is one of the most respected occupations in Canada. The trustworthiness of nurses and nursing is an intangible asset in building trusting relationships essential to facilitate disclosure and impacting outcomes. Nurses are accessible and work in all settings across the health care system, and their specific knowledge and skills are valuable assets in screening, recognizing and addressing intimate partner violence.

Finally, nurses do not impose potentially intimidating relationships of coercion or control. They rely instead on holistic health promotion frameworks that incorporate empowerment and advocacy strategies, which research suggests is especially important when intervening with abused women.

Results demonstrate that iHEAL — a health promotion intervention that provides broad, women-led, tailored support across a range of issues — has initial and longer-term benefits for women’s quality of life, health, well-being and safety that are sustained over time. It provides novel evidence about the role of specially trained registered nurses in offering effective supports to women. These promising results provide a solid foundation for broader implementation and scale-up of iHEAL in Canada, with the potential to adapt and test this effective intervention in other countries.

The iHEAL team is actively seeking scale-up opportunities. I look forward to the scaling up of iHEAL as part of the national strategy for the prevention of intimate partner violence. Thank you. Woliwon.

Hon. Marilou McPhedran [ + ]

To Georgina McGrath and family and to Senator Manning, back in 2018, you will recall that I was not supportive of your bill and that I had concerns that much of what was in it was already in process and would duplicate. I wanted to stand very briefly this evening to say that I missed the most important fact about your bill, Senator Manning, and I’m sorry that I didn’t understand it better.

You quoted a statistic about women dying every 10 minutes. That’s a UN Women statistic. It’s not about an epidemic. It’s about a global pandemic that we, as human civilization, have completely failed to address and redress and to prevent the growth of this violence that we’re seeing.

We often talk — in feminist circles, at least — about calling men out. But really, this bill is about calling men in. This is about connecting all of us, regardless of gender and regardless of affiliations, and it is a very important bill.

Through the heartfelt stories that people have been prepared to tell, the examples tonight largely demonstrate the sense of safety that they can do this and the fact that you, as a man, led this on, and other men came in on it. This is truly a joint effort of everybody in this chamber. I hope very much that we will pass this bill very quickly. Thank you. Meegwetch.

The Hon. the Speaker pro tempore [ + ]

Honourable senators, it is now seven o’clock. Pursuant to rule 3-3(1), I am obliged to leave the chair until eight o’clock, when we will resume, unless it is your wish, honourable senators, to not see the clock.

Is it agreed to not see the clock?

Some Hon. Senators: Agreed.

Some Hon. Senators: No.

The Hon. the Speaker pro tempore: I hear a “no.”

Honourable senators, leave was not granted. The sitting is, therefore, suspended, and I will leave the chair until eight o’clock.

Honourable senators, I rise to speak as the critic, albeit a friendly one, to Bill S-249. I would like to once again thank Senator Manning for his commitment to advancing this bill for the purpose of redressing the pandemic of violence against women and intimate partner violence in this country.

I also want to thank you, colleagues. Bill S-249 is an important bill, but so is Bill S-230, and I want to thank you for the fact that in addition to considering this bill, we will be completing debate and having a third-reading vote on Bill S-230 on December 10.

Georgina’s Law and Tona’s Law are linked in fundamental ways. Tona was criminalized as a result of her attempts to escape violence and incestuous rape, to escape violence. So this bill is aimed at more prevention.

I also want to thank so many millions of women whose experiences directly informed mine and your understanding of the urgent need to address these issues. I extend a special gratitude to the many women and girls, including Georgina McGrath, for their incredible courage and strength in sharing experiences and insisting that we all shed light on the shamefully pervasive yet often hidden terror visited and blamed on the women who are most victimized. These realities are the horrific backdrop to this legislation.

Ms. McGrath’s tenacious advocacy was instrumental in inspiring Senator Manning to develop this bill and, therefore, reminds us all of the importance of demanding meaningful action to prevent and redress the circumstances that exacerbate and give rise to patriarchal and misogynist violence and abuse.

As amended by the Social Affairs Committee, Bill S-249 calls upon the federal government, through regular engagement with a variety of groups — federal ministers, representatives of provincial and territorial governments, Indigenous peoples as well as victims, survivors and other stakeholders — to continue to lead action to prevent and address intimate partner violence. We know that intimate partner violence impacts people of all genders and ages and all socio-economic, racial, educational, ethnic, religious and cultural backgrounds. We also know, however, that women account for the vast majority of people who experience this form of gender-based violence and that it is most often perpetrated by men.

Senator Manning quoted the words of former UN secretary-general Kofi Annan, and I don’t need to reiterate, but I would add that in addition to the fact that violence knows no boundaries of geography, culture or wealth, it certainly remains most denied, and perpetrators are less likely to be held accountable for their behaviour, when perpetrators hold positions of privilege and power. Just look at the realities unfolding around the world, including the recent election of a known sexually abusive predator to the presidency of the United States.

For too long we have talked about the need to redress violence against women and intimate partner violence without adequate action. The unprecedented spine-chilling and emboldening message that the U.S. election sends to both victims and, especially, perpetrators cannot be ignored. For decades, the reflexive response has been to create harsher and longer punishments for those convicted of violence. These measures have not kept women safe. Barely any cases are ever reported; even fewer result in charges, let alone convictions. Those who are convicted are usually those easiest to “catch,” people who are marginalized by poverty, race, disability or their own previous experiences of violence.

When they have served their time, taken responsibility for their actions and are ready to contribute positively to their communities, they are not granted the opportunities for relief from the stigma of a criminal record that measures like Bill S-212 could offer, largely due to the types of “tough on crime” rhetoric that the next U.S. president has espoused. That he has done so despite his own criminal conviction for hiding payments made to gag a sex worker, despite having been found civilly liable by a jury for sexual abuse and despite bragging repeatedly about committing sexual assault, this all reinforces the travesty that we must act together to challenge:

Too many men, especially those who are rich, powerful and privileged, are able to prey on women with seeming impunity. We should be horrified but not surprised that trending on social media in the hours following the election was the phrase “your body, my choice,” among other misogynist threats of forced pregnancy and rape. Nor should we be surprised that the White nationalist podcaster who appears to claim credit for this phrase going viral previously was welcomed as a dinner guest by the incoming president.

Other popular messages online include calls for women to “get back to the kitchen” and for the repeal of the 19th, referring to the amendment to the U.S. Constitution that protects the rights of women to vote. Exit polls incidentally suggest that votes cast by men preferred the next U.S. president by 13%. Women, especially young, Black and Latina women, voted against him by a margin of 8%. Among those who swung most in his favour compared to the last election were men under 34, the demographic also most likely to follow influencers and podcasters promoting violent messages targeting women.

In recent days, the use of these messages with the goal of dominating, silencing and punishing women and girls has moved beyond the online world and particularly into schools. The Institute for Strategic Dialogue has catalogued reports of young boys in classrooms chanting “your body, my choice” to the girls in their schools. Harassment on university campuses has also ramped up, and groups of men in MAGA gear are reportedly telling women students to go home, where they belong.

November 25 was the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women. On December 6, Canada will mark the thirty-fifth anniversary of the massacre at École Polytechnique, 14 women killed simply because they were women in an engineering classroom. The urgency of working together to ensure that women are safe at home, at school, at work and in the community has never been clearer.

As girls and women faced harassment at school this month, the next U.S. president was attempting to appoint as his attorney general — the head of the Department of Justice — his chief legal adviser and his chief law enforcement officer, a man who was investigated by that very same Department of Justice and by his colleagues in Congress in connection with child sex trafficking. The Department of Justice declined to charge him, including for reasons that will be all too familiar for victims and survivors of violence, their allies and their advocates: Authorities were concerned about whether a jury would believe the testimony of a then 17-year-old child, now a young woman, who had accused him.

The Congressional investigation was blocked when the would-be attorney general resigned from Congress before a final report on his conduct could be published. Testimony to the Congressional committee carrying out the investigation suggested, however, that he had paid a child for sex. While this man was ultimately unable to garner support from enough senators to confirm his appointment, at least one remaining would-be cabinet member, the nominee for secretary of defense, was also investigated by police in connection with sexual violence. Ultimately, he was not charged and made a settlement payment to the complainant, who is now subject to a non‑disclosure agreement.

We are witnessing a rise of political actors who, at best, are complicit in and, at worst, promote harassment and violence against women and intimate partners for political gain. In this climate, men, including in this chamber, the other place and beyond, must step up, redouble efforts and model the behaviour needed from our leaders, our role models in order to uphold equality for all.

This includes more insidious forms of sexism and misogyny, many of which are baked into the ways in which our institutions operate, not just overt acts of violence but the more difficult to discern and too often more hidden forms of coercion and control.

As Kofi Annan reminded us, as long as violence against women continues, “. . . we cannot claim to be making real progress towards equality, development, and peace.”

A new report from UN Women on global femicide has emphasized that of 85,000 women known to have been killed by men in 2023 alone, 60% were killed by a partner or family member. The report concluded that for women, the most dangerous place to be is home.

This year, the story of Gisèle Pelicot reminded people around the world of this truth and of the collusion by others that keeps women at risk. Dominique Pelicot admitted to raping his spouse, a 72-year-old grandmother and former business manager from France, and organizing her rape by others while she was unconscious in their home. He took thousands of photos and videos to document her repeated sexual assault over a period of 10 years.

For participating in this horrendous number of rapes, 50 men stand trial. Most have tried to claim that they believed Ms. Pelicot had consented despite being unconscious or that they were participating in a so-called sex game — imagine. Not one of the dozens whom Mr. Pelicot invited to his home for this purpose appeared to have notified authorities or taken any other steps to prevent these violent acts.

Ms. Pelicot has garnered strong and heartfelt support from women around the world for courageously waiving her right to privacy and anonymity and insisting on public court hearings. Her goal has been to flip the script on victim blaming and insist on changes to societal condoning of rape culture and the perception that sexual violence is committed by someone else, not spouses, friends, neighbours and sometimes colleagues.

So what must we do? As media and expert commentators have underscored, legislative efforts aimed at redressing intimate partner violence have fallen short, amounting in practice to nothing more than mere symbols of our desire to combat violence against women in this country. Criminal law measures based on ever-more-punitive and mandatory sentencing laws absent crucial funding, infrastructure and resources to prevent, respond to and otherwise address violence amount to little more than lip service.

Worse yet, when women and girls witness men getting away with abusive and bullying behaviour, they are likely not inspired to have faith that they will be believed or supported when they try to call out abusive behaviour. Indeed, following her August 2022 study for British Columbia’s Office of the Human Rights Commissioner, Myrna Dawson said, “. . . the social change impact of existing laws has been weak . . .”

Honourable senators, if Bill S-249 is to do anything more than raise awareness, we must hold each other and all governments to account and insist on the implementation of proactive, systemic and sustainable long-term measures to combat inequality and injustice. Proactive measures must address the root causes of intimate partner violence and the inequality that underpins and reinforces existing power and socio-economic structures and systems within which we operate. These are the factors that are most detrimental and, all too often, fatal for women, all the more so if they also belong to intersectional marginalized populations, namely Indigenous women, Black women and others who are racially marginalized; those living in poverty or with disabilities; members of 2SLGBTQQIA+ communities; and those who are otherwise oppressed primarily through the use and abuse of power by men.

As journalist Dean Beeby underscores in his books regarding the Mass Casualty Commission and femicide in Renfrew County, “. . . intimate-partner femicides were long ago shown to be one of the few crimes that are predictable and preventable.” We have a responsibility to implement measures aimed at preventing women who are abused from being subjected to rapes, assaults and death.

To understand just how usual and entrenched the threat of male violence is in the collective experience of women, one need only scan social media. The threats witnessed in the wake of the U.S. election brought to mind a viral debate on TikTok from last spring as the Senate’s Social Affairs Committee began its study of Bill S-249. Women responded to the question of whether they would rather be left alone in the woods with a man or a bear. Most chose the bear. Many chimed in with jarring arguments to the effect of “. . . the worst thing the bear can do is kill me . . .” “. . . at least people would believe me if I said I was attacked by a bear . . .” and “. . . no one would ask me what I was wearing . . .” These types of responses reveal what too many women experience: the dehumanizing, costly and psychologically irreparable effects of sexualized violence.

What’s more, several men’s reactions exhibited their rather tone-deaf ignorance, privilege and confusion at women’s responses. Some took offence and retaliated. It was particularly chilling to read responses that not only utterly failed to comprehend just how pervasive physical and sexual violence is in the lived experiences of women but also piled on with their own threats. We must end the experience by women of such threats to their day-to-day lives and decisions.

This dichotomy underscores the need to dismantle the pillars of patriarchy, privilege and power that have long served to perpetuate and maintain the subordinate social standing of women to that of men in our country and around the world.

In 1993, now more than 30 years ago, the National Action Committee on the Status of Women, or NAC, the largest national feminist organization of its time, comprised of over 700 affiliated groups, formulated the 99 Federal Steps to End Violence Against Women. The committee recognized that violence against women is fundamentally and inextricably rooted in women’s substantive inequality. Their strategy recognized that:

. . . poor women, women with disabilities, women of colour and [Indigenous] women are more likely to be victim of assault, we seem to have difficulty seeing the advantage men have over these women and how those legal, social and economic advantages become part of the weaponry of violent attacks. Every kind of entrenched advantage (whether because he is of the dominant race or because he is a professional) is too often used to harm women. No program to end violence against women can be effective if it does not disrupt and transform those power relations toward equality. . . .

Indeed, as has been acknowledged and reaffirmed in several reports in the decades since — including the National Action Plan to End Gender-Based Violence, the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, the 2019 report of the Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women, Its Causes and Consequences and the 2022 report of the United Nations Special Rapporteur on violence against Indigenous women and girls — ending intimate partner violence requires its contextualization within broader social and economic systems and structures. This includes collaboration across sectors — legal, social and economic — to dismantle the patriarchal norms that disadvantage women and prevent them from achieving the same levels of legal protection, social standing and financial stability as those afforded to men.

Why do so many feminists — like this one — bang on about the need for guaranteed livable income? Economic disadvantage is rife. Women earn on average 89 cents for every dollar made by their male counterparts, with an even larger gap experienced by women who face compounding barriers to reaching substantive equality on the basis of their intersecting identities, particularly Indigenous women, other racially marginalized women and women with disabilities.

More than 1.5 million women in Canada are living in poverty, and 10 times more women than men have “fallen” out of the workforce since 2020. More women than men in Canada are experiencing financially vulnerable and precarious positions, a troubling finding alone but even more so in the context of the detrimental financial consequences often experienced by survivors of intimate partner violence.

A 2012 study reported that over 80% of the costs of intimate partner violence in Canada, an estimated $6 billion per year, are borne by survivors themselves in the forms of medical expenses, lost wages, lost education, stolen or damaged property and pain and suffering. According to a 2021 study by the Canadian Centre for Women’s Empowerment, 80% of the survivors of intimate partner violence in the National Capital Region alone reported that their partner displayed more controlling and coercive behaviours related to their finances and economic stability during the pandemic, and 1 in 10 were driven back under the control of their abusers due to financial dependence constraints. The ability to escape abuse is a privilege that poverty too often does not afford.

In the 1970s, Manitoba’s basic annual income experiment, or Mincome, led to 17.5% reduction in crime, including 350 fewer violent crimes per 100,000 people compared to similar towns. Researchers attributed this reduction to the fact that Mincome reduced financial stress, which decreased the likelihood of a violent incident, and also improved the bargaining power and empowerment of women, in turn reducing the incidence of partner assault.

Recent research echoes these findings: Cash transfers sent directly to women can help address gender inequalities and empower women and girls by enhancing their bargaining position, mobility and economic and social status, thereby reducing the risk of intimate partner violence. Guaranteed livable basic income can also support women and other marginalized individuals fleeing abusive situations by providing the necessary financial resources to secure safe housing and food for themselves and their children.

Facts like these reveal precisely why the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls Calls for Justice 4.5 and 16.20 were for national guaranteed livable income and why the Federal Ombudsperson for Victims of Crime recently testified to the National Finance Committee, “There’s a whole science of crime prevention that would align well with the principles of guaranteed livable income . . .”

As Professor Isabel Grant testified before the Mass Casualty Commission:

. . . economic self-sufficiency for every woman in this country is a really big part of facilitating women’s abilities to escape both physical and sexual violence.

If Bill S-249 is to have a positive impact on women’s liberation, it must not merely acknowledge but redress the inadequacies of existing social and economic supports and ensure truly accessible and effective health care, safe and adequate housing options, food security and universal child care.

Senator Manning reminded us of the statistics, and I won’t go through them again, but women are often condemned for what is characterized as their “choice to stay.” The statistics tell us the opposite story. Women don’t choose to stay in abusive relationships. Instead, though, why don’t we demand to know why the men won’t let women go — or a meaningful examination of exactly where and how we suggest they go?

As Ms. McGrath and several other witnesses emphasized at committee, women experiencing intimate partner violence are expected to bear the burden of locating a safe haven for themselves and their children as well as gaining financial independence free of influence or control from their abusive partners — all of this despite the lack of supportive attitudes, much less infrastructure, to assist them in getting there.

Some organizations and service providers whose efforts are dedicated to redressing violence against women have implemented response measures with women’s well-being and convenience in mind — we’ve heard about some from Senator Kingston and others — approaches such as Indigenous women’s circles as well as the WomanACT of Toronto’s Safe at Home housing model, “where women fleeing violence are enabled to remain safely in their existing home or move directly to independent housing” while the perpetrator is removed from the home and the risk of harm to women and children is effectively reduced.

We must ensure that strategies are sustainable long-term and prioritize the safety and well-being of women. Women should not continue to be forced to endure additional hardship as a result of their efforts to escape violence and abuse.

With this in mind, I want to acknowledge the work of Senator Manning and the Social Affairs Committee to heed the concerns raised by several witnesses and delete provisions of the bill that would have required engagement with respect to:

. . . the requirements for health professionals to make a report to the police if they suspect that a patient is a victim of intimate partner violence.

As we have heard, implementing a duty to report can unintentionally hinder access to necessary support and health care for those experiencing intimate partner violence.

Survivors of intimate partner violence access their health care providers and places of worship more than any other services in their communities, and it is in these settings that many survivors are most likely to build rapport and foster relationships that reach the stage of comfort that enables and empowers them to disclose their circumstances. A duty to report without requisite supports and education could unintentionally deter some from accessing these spaces and services altogether. Due to the long-standing effects of colonialism, racism and patriarchy, which are embedded in the operations of our social institutions, including the health care system, policing forces, corrections and so many other components, Black and Indigenous women have received even less protection, respect and care than their counterparts who are not racially marginalized, let alone men.

It is imperative to note that only an estimated 1 in 10 cases of intimate partner violence is even reported in the first place. If we are to encourage survivors to report and to seek help, they must be confident that adequate social, financial and legal supports are available to them.

Canada’s disturbing history of violence against Indigenous women, in particular, contributes to their having to commonly confront “. . . racist, sexist, and other discriminatory attitudes in their encounters with institutions . . . .” The National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls report includes far too many accounts of dismissive and combative encounters with police following experiences of gender-based violence.

Many witnesses at the national inquiry said:

. . . that they no longer felt safe to reach out to the police when they were in danger, fearing that the police themselves might also inflict further violence. These experiences of violence – predation with impunity – were a chief contributor in the reluctance of Indigenous women, girls, and 2SLGBTQQIA people to trust institutions —

— following their encounters. Not only are Indigenous women continually dismissed when they report violence, but they are also often portrayed as the aggressors, treated as if the violence is their own fault and seen as less worthy victims by many, starting with the police and sometimes working through to their lawyers, judges and the entire criminal legal system.

The harassment and violence at the hands of legal authorities — with which Indigenous peoples are all too familiar — coupled with the disregard, hyper-responsibilization and deputization experienced by Indigenous women and girls when reporting their experiences of gender-based violence results in their reluctance to report at all to anyone.

As troubling as their lack of response to Indigenous women’s experiences of gender-based violence is the too often punitive response of legal authorities to and criminalization of women like Tona who rise to their deputization by trying to protect themselves or others from abuse. As expressed by the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, the Canadian legal system:

. . . criminalizes acts that are a direct result of survival for many Indigenous women. This entrenches and exacerbates colonialism by blaming and responsibilizing Indigenous women and their choices, while simultaneously ignoring the systemic injustices that they experience, which often lead them to commit crimes.

The recent periodic review of Canada by the UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women has noted concerns about overrepresentation of Indigenous women in prisons. The committee highlighted as well “. . . the criminalization of the actions of Indigenous women human rights defenders . . .”

It should be noted that the expansion of section 34 of the Criminal Code, the provision that permits the use of self-defence, was enacted under the Harper government in 2012 — not for the purpose of protecting women but for the purposes of providing property owners with the legal strength to protect their land with the necessary use of force to the extent and amount deemed reasonable. The former prime minister’s justification for this expansion was not the protection of women forced to use lethal force to defend themselves and their children. Rather, it was to privilege property owners. The expansion of self-defence was not aimed at assisting survivors of gender-based violence.

The National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls revealed that Indigenous women are too often criminalized and imprisoned in response to violence being perpetrated against them or others for whom they are responsible — and that the incarceration rates of Indigenous women continue to skyrocket. In 2018, for example, Statistics Canada documented that 50% of those who reported being victims of intimate partner violence were charged themselves. Self-defence has been inconsistently applied by the Canadian legal system to survivors of gender-based violence.

Rather than problematizing the unreasonable violence inflicted upon women, our legal system is notorious for instead problematizing women’s reasonable responses to unreasonable and unlawful violence. Rather than perceiving a woman’s use of force to combat her perpetrator’s violence as reasonable, our legal system often attempts to justify her force by characterizing it as a symptom of battered woman syndrome, effectively pathologizing women for attempting to protect themselves and others from harm.

The Legal Committee recently witnessed the impact of the discriminatory systemic biases against women in the criminal legal system as part of its review of Bill C-40. We heard clear and cogent evidence, especially from Indigenous women like Rheana Worme, about the inability of even seasoned and well-respected criminal lawyers to contextualize the violence experienced by women, especially Indigenous women. Worse yet, even when such context is subsequently identified, most men are unwilling to own their previous failures. Think of what that behaviour models for others.

It is no wonder, therefore, that despite the reality that most women convicted of violent offences are criminalized and imprisoned for their responses to violence perpetrated against them or someone in their care, to date, the current conviction review process has not resulted in a single conviction review remedy for a woman, much less an Indigenous woman.

As Senator Manning has previously noted, those unfamiliar with power dynamics and the element of control that underpin the perpetuation of gender-based violence may similarly be unfamiliar with the legal, social and economic constraints posed to survivors born of racism, immigration insecurity and poverty. As a result, they may be especially ill-equipped to appreciate the negative ramifications of an attempt to escape abuse.

Survivors without the financial means to live on their own or who fear the response they will receive from the legal system and broader society cannot be said to have an unqualified choice to leave their abusive partners, leaving them with no option but to retaliate against the abuse they are experiencing with physical force instead.

Legal authorities at all stages of a survivor’s experience with the system must respond to her report and conduct from a trauma-informed lens with an educated understanding of the complexity of her situation as a whole.

To make reporting a safe and trusted option for survivors will entail that the federal government invest in long-term, sustainable measures and infrastructure that support the ability of survivors to access adequate safety plans including financial stability, safe long-term housing and accessible social support services. We must ensure the environment they are seeking is safe or, at the very least, safer than the environment they are escaping.

The impact of Bill S-249 should be measured in terms of the real consequences this bill will have for the victims and survivors it is intended to serve.

Progress on redressing and preventing intimate partner violence can only be realized with a society-wide response, supported by epidemic-level funding for gender-based violence prevention and interventions.

These measures must be aimed at uprooting and “unrooting” the legal, social and financial disadvantages that have maintained men’s advantage and control over women in our country and which have effectively barred women from achieving the substantive equality they deserve.

A national strategy must also equip survivors, service providers and society at large with the education necessary to access response measures available to those experiencing violence, providing them with the direction and support to safely reach shelters, access health care, build financial stability independent of their partner and develop a life free from abuse for themselves and anyone for whom they are responsible.

Let us be clear, colleagues. Perpetrators of intimate partner violence and abuse against women are not social outliers. Rather, they are examples of an extreme and all too frequent outcome of the patriarchal and misogynistic social norms and structures in which they and we are raised, structures that focus on the exertion of dominance over women and which enable abuse without consequence.

Over 30 years ago, women’s groups recognized that ending violence against women required disrupting the power relations that maintain women’s subordinate social standing compared to that of men.

Today, especially, the consequences of the U.S. election continue to ripple through Canadian politics. This legislation should compel us as decision makers to face that still unmet challenge.

Thirty years from now, hopefully our successors will look back on this moment as the beginning of a monumental shift in how we address and respond to violence against women and intimate partner violence, beginning with dismantling the structural and systemic status quo in order to ensure women achieve the substantive equality for which we have long fought and to which we are entitled. We owe it to women everywhere. They deserve no less.

As we come together in support of this bill, let’s not forget that it is, as Senator Bernard pointed out, the focus of this year’s 16 days to end violence. Let’s act now. Meegwetch. Thank you.

The Hon. the Speaker [ + ]

Are senators ready for the question?

The Hon. the Speaker [ + ]

Is it your pleasure, honourable senators, to adopt the motion?

Hon. Senators: Agreed.

(Motion agreed to and bill, as amended, read third time and passed.)

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