CHAPTER 7
HUMAN RIGHTS IN THE
ASIA PACIFIC REGION
A. Factors Supporting
Adherence to Human Rights
1. Good Governance
2. Democratization and Civil Society
3. The Rule of Law
4. The Need For An Independent
Judiciary
B. Other Specific Human Rights Concerns In The Region
1. Women
2. Trafficking in Humans
3. Refugees and the Internally
Displaced
4. Labour
C. The "Asian-Values"
Debate
D. Integration of
Human Rights with Trade and Investment
E. Principles for a
Coherent Canadian Human-Rights Policy
HUMAN RIGHTS IN THE ASIA PACIFIC REGION
In 1948, the UN General Assembly adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. In so doing, the right of all people to be treated equally and with dignity was enshrined under international law. The principle of universality is key, it is the fundamental premise that human rights apply equally to all nations without exception(120). Respect for human rights along with democratisation and good governance are important for the security of all individuals.
The values underlying human rights – respect for human dignity, justice, equality, participation, and accountability– are widely held throughout the world. However, while these values are universal in nature, they have historically been interpreted and applied differently by countries, primarily on the basis of cultural differences. As a result, the obligations set out in the 1948 Declaration have not always been upheld. This is as true in Asia Pacific as it is in many other places.
The Committee recognizes that all countries have human rights problems. The difficulties in some countries are more serious than those in others. What differentiates the Asia Pacific region from others, however, is that the region stands alone in not having viable human rights mechanisms in place(121).
It is also worth noting that the crisis that has shaken the Asia Pacific region, and increasingly the rest of the world, has focused international attention on both the economic and human rights shortcomings in the region. The financial turbulence in Asia has, in fact, (a) highlighted existing human rights violations; (b) created an environment in which more rights violations could occur; and (c) created opportunities for individuals to bring about positive human rights changes (e.g., Indonesia). The Committee is convinced that it is vitally important to address economic concerns in the region in tandem with those of human rights.
Human rights is, by its very nature, a broad topic. Time did not permit all aspects of the issue to be explored by the Committee. Instead, focus will be placed on human rights concerns prevalent in Asia Pacific as they affected our study.
A. Factors Supporting Adherence to Human Rights
Asia Pacific has a number of serious trouble spots where human rights abuses are regularly reported. Myanmar’s ruling military junta has gained international notoriety for its gross violations. Similarly, Tibet is frequently named as a place where people are jailed, tortured, and subjected to cultural repression. There are serious human rights concerns in many other countries.
However, the point that was most often stressed by the witnesses appearing before the Committee was the necessity to treat human rights, not in isolation of other issues, but rather within the broader context of good governance and democracy. Thus, rather than concentrating on country-specific human rights records, this section will focus on a number of factors that are conducive to fostering greater adherence to human rights for citizens. Specifically, good governance, democracy, the rule of law, an independent judiciary and a strong civil society will be discussed. A brief country-by-country list of human rights abuses is provided in Appendix 5.
"Good governance ensures the effective, honest, equitable, and accountable exercise of power by governments.(122)" Mr. Erroll Mendes (Director, Human Rights Research and Education Centre, University of Ottawa) pointed out to the Committee that the human rights violations that are being witnessed in Asia Pacific are, at their roots, related to governance issues. Regimes throughout Asia, such as that in Indonesia, established economies that were directed and controlled by the government. To maintain this control required the suppression of independent trade unions, political parties, and strong civil-society groups.
If a given country’s leadership does not respect its citizens, it is likely that the lack of good governance will spill over into the private sphere. For example, without transparency in government, firms can engage in the type of corrupt business practices and crony capitalism that brought about such serious economic repercussions in Asia recently. It could also be the case that failure to enforce regulations on child labour could lead to serious abuses of children in the workplace.
2. Democratization and Civil Society
"Democratization builds the effective participation of individuals in decision-making and the exercise of power in society, both through the formal processes of democracy and through the organizations of civil society that give voice to popular concerns.(123)" The Committee heard from Mrs. Maureen O’Neil (President, International Centre for Human Rights and Democratic Development), who highlighted the importance of democratization to the issue of human rights by pointing out that in a democracy governments cannot make decisions which affect the lives of their citizens without consultation.
A strong, democratic society will be characterized by an active civil society. The non-governmental organizations, trade unions, business associations and other groups that make up civil society all play an important advocacy role.
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights guarantees certain legal rights. These rights, often violated within the Asia Pacific region, include:
- the right to due process of the law and recognition as a person before the law;
- the right to equal protection of the law without discrimination;
- the right not to be subject to cruel or inhumane punishment, or to torture;
- the right to be free from arbitrary arrest, detention, or exile;
- the right to be presumed innocent until proven guilty;
- the right to a fair and public hearing by an independent and impartial tribunal; and
- the right to make full defence.
Arbitrary arrests and detention are not uncommon in a number of Asia Pacific countries. Such arrests and detentions are especially common with political dissidents in some countries, e.g., Myanmar, North Korea, and China. These occurrences continue to be sanctioned by the governments of many countries and the judicial systems fail to meet international standards of due process and independence. Similarly, disappearances are not uncommon in certain locations. Not only are disappearances a violation of the victims’ rights, such acts have profound consequences for family members who are left not knowing where the person is or even if she/he is alive.
Freedom from torture is to be respected, even in war, internal political instability, or any other public emergency. Nevertheless, reports indicate that torture remains a practice in many countries of the Asia Pacific, particularly in the prison systems where public scrutiny is almost impossible. Groups that suffer discrimination, such as ethnic minorities, are especially vulnerable to these abuses.
In most cases, the countries in Asia Pacific where the abuses are taking place have laws that prohibit those particular abuses. One of the central problems in the Asia Pacific region is not the absence of laws; rather, it is the absence of the rule of law. For example, child labour is nearly universally condemned; yet children are often found working in sweatshops. Similarly, the rights of women are enshrined in law in many countries; yet consistently they suffer abuse.
One reason for the contrast between law and reality is that the institutions that are responsible for the enforcement of the laws often lack the power to enforce the laws. In other cases, instead of being accountable for the rights of their citizens and enforcing the rule of law, the government itself is the biggest violator of human rights. This is true not only in the case of dictatorships; unfortunately, the end of dictatorship does not automatically imply the beginning of the rule of law. Still, in other instances, while it is not the government itself which is perpetuating the crimes, it does work to shield certain violators from prosecution. Ensuring that laws are applied equally to all members of society and making the instruments of law accessible to everyone, not just a select part of the population, is an essential step in establishing civil and political rights within the region.
Within the context of legal rights and the rule of law, there is a need in the Asia Pacific region to develop and strengthen property and commercial law. The Committee is of the opinion that developing strong commercial courts and effective dispute settlement mechanisms will not only profoundly affect the region’s economic stability and ability to conduct business in a transparent manner, it will also foster respect for human rights.
The Committee recognizes that the rule of law is essential if people are to enjoy their basic human rights. However, we are also aware that many countries of the Asia Pacific have already signed conventions designed to protect the human rights of their citizens but that these conventions are not respected in practice. The Committee considers it a fruitless exercise to pursue the creation of new conventions until the existing ones are honoured. The Committee recommends:
Recommendation 16:
That the Government of Canada strongly encourage Asia Pacific countries to honour their own commitments as set forth in the human rights documents they have signed, thereby accelerating improvements in human-rights enforcement. Assistance should be provided to whatever local elements of government or civil society are pursuing reform efforts.
4. The Need For An Independent Judiciary
Related to the issue of the rule of law is the necessity for an independent judiciary. In many countries throughout the region, judiciaries are pervaded by corruption, subordinate to the executive branch, or otherwise subject to political and personal pressure. Without a strong, independent judiciary, laws can not be effectively, equally or fairly applied. Such a situation naturally lends itself to the perpetuation of human rights violations.
B. Other Specific Human Rights Concerns In The Region
In 1993 women’s rights received an important boost when the Vienna Declaration and Program of Action stated that the human rights of women and girl children are inalienable, integral, and indivisible.(124) Despite this significant paper progress, the ability of women to enjoy these rights is regularly undermined by extremist interpretations of culture, religion, and traditions that encourage, excuse, or condone the subordination of women.(125) Women’s rights are violated throughout Asia; Appendix 5 shows that in no country of the region are women free of such violations. Indeed, they are victimized in the home, the community, at the hands of the state or private actors, in situations of armed conflict and in peacetime. The UNDP’s Human Development index shows that women’s well-being is rated as being as much as 30% behind that of men even in the more developed Asian countries. Furthermore, the economic crisis has exacerbated the plight of women who, as a group, have borne a disproportionate share of the burden.
The Committee recognizes that, while steps have been made toward securing women’s rights, there has yet to be significant progress in this area. That every country within Asia has been named as one where the rights of women are violated is grim testimony to this fact. To deal with this painful reality, the Committee suggests that the Government of Canada, in concert with its bilateral and multilateral partners in the region, focus on the task of eliminating the endemic violations of women’s human rights.
Human trafficking is a practice that targets women, but also children of both sexes. Victims are abducted, tricked, raped, or sold into sexually or economically exploitative situations for the profit of recruiters, traffickers, and crime syndicates. Once trapped in these abusive situations, the victims often are transported across national borders, where they become illegal immigrants. Consequently, it is nearly impossible for them to seek help. Human trafficking is a serious problem, one which has increased dramatically in Asia Pacific, particularly in the Mekong Region, where it now rivals the drug trade for the attention of organized crime.(126) Because of the economic crisis, more people have fallen into poverty. As such, the numbers of those vulnerable to human trafficking scams, or who have become so desperate for money that they sell their children, have increased.
3. Refugees and the Internally Displaced
Throughout Asia Pacific there are a large number of people who have been forced to move from their homes. The reasons for flight vary from economic deprivation to a desire to escape from war and political repression. At other times, people have been displaced by their governments because the land they were occupying was wanted or needed. In Myanmar, entire villages have been ordered to move so as to isolate rebel forces and to clear space for military bases. Reports indicate that during the relocation process villagers have not only been used as forced labour but many have been beaten, shot, and even in some cases burnt alive.(127) While Myanmar is perhaps the most notorious for its internal displacement practices, by no means is it the only country that has engaged in this practice. Regardless of the reason for moving, refugees and the internally displaced are at the greatest risk of starvation, have the highest rate of preventable disease, and are the most vulnerable to human-rights abuses.(128)
The Asia Pacific region has seen the growth of many labour unions that work to protect the rights of employees. The United Nations International Labour Organization (ILO) has also made significant efforts and progress toward the promotion of workers’ rights. However, workers continue to face regular human-rights violations in many areas. There are a number of reasons why such violations continue, despite the efforts made to improve workers’ rights. First, many people are not aware of the existence of the ILO and if they are, do not have access to that institution. To make an effective lobby effort requires a large body of workers and resources, a powerful force in order to bring attention to the cause. Yet not all workers are employed by large organizations, nor is everyone a member of a union. As a consequence, many workers do not have the power to bring their case to the fore. Even if they were in such a position, the ILO has no power to enforce the application of global labour rules.
Second, despite the work of unions and the ILO, there are pockets of workers who remain unprotected. One such group is the growing number of domestic workers. These people are predominantly women who work in isolation at home and often are exploited by their employers. Migrant workers are also frequently targeted. This group is not protected by unions and has no collective representation. A third group that is affected are the piecemeal workers in factories. Even in the case where they are represented by unions, the policies and activities of these unions are often dominated by government. Finally, in many areas extreme poverty makes it almost impossible for workers to stand up for their rights, the immediate need for food outweighing the more intrinsic value of dignity. Unfortunately, the recent economic crisis, with its waves of massive layoffs, has increased workers’ vulnerability to human rights abuses in the workforce.
The serious issue of child labour was also discussed before the Committee. One major obstacle to the irradication of child labour is that in many instances, there is no alternative source of income for the family, usually with the exception of prostitution. Further, often it is the case that, even if children were to be taken out of the work place, there are no educational facilities for them to attend. For their part, governments of the region have promised to move away from the employment of children in hazardous industries as quickly as possible, but there is no assurance that this commitment will be followed through.
Many countries of the Asia Pacific have aggressively resisted the human rights and democracy discourse emanating from the West.(129) Some Asian states have expressed resentment at what they perceive to be the West’s belittling of Asian values. When Asian countries speak of Asian values, they are referring to such shared beliefs as respect for authority, belief in strong family ties, belief in frugality, hard work, saving and sacrifice, strong opposition to state welfare, and a belief in punishment as a deterrent to and retribution for crimes.(130)
The forceful attack against human rights discourse was the product of a number of factors. It was, in part, the result of self-interest. The earlier economic success of the region provided justification for the policy of giving priority to order and stability, to the end that the country’s economy would flourish. The Asian values argument was also the result of revived interventionist sentiment sparked by western human-rights campaigns. Countries in the Asia Pacific region suspected that there was a hidden agenda in the human rights discourse, specifically, that the West sought to maintain hegemony and to retard Asian growth and prosperity. Finally, the Western model of human rights that was being promoted – primarily a U.S. model – was perceived as being seriously flawed and therefore undesirable for Asia.
Another view is that it is primarily certain Asian officials in power who have made the claim that Asian people prefer order to freedom.(131) According to this view these Asian leaders nurture the conflict between Asian values and human rights primarily for regime legitimation purposes.(132) The Committee accepts that there is some truth in this statement as, historically, human rights are not unique to Western culture. For example, the language of freedom is very important in Buddhism, which originated in South Asia and then spread to Southeast Asia and East Asia, including China, Japan, Korea, and Thailand. Even Confucius, who notoriously is portrayed as a strict authoritarian, did not recommend blind allegiance to the state, but called on people to oppose it when serious mistakes were made.(133)
Not all of today’s Asian leaders claim that human rights are Western notions, inapplicable to Asia. For example, South Korean President Kim Dae-Jung has said, "Asia has a rich heritage of democracy-oriented philosophies and traditions. Asia has already made great strides towards democratization and possesses the necessary conditions to develop democracy even beyond the level of the West."(134) For example, countries such as China are experimenting with democracy at the village level. However, as Mr. Earl Drake (Adjunct Professor, Simon Fraser University) pointed out, there is concern that the sudden introduction of unfettered democracy at the national level may be manipulated by demagogues into the tyranny of the majority. What is worthy to note is that some leaders in Asia are genuinely afraid of implementing full-scale democracy quickly.
D. Integration of Human Rights with Trade and Investment
"It has become increasingly clear that issues of trade and investment ought not to be discussed in isolation from human rights and democracy."
(Mrs. Maureen O’Neil, President, International Centre for Human Rights and Democratic Development)
Another important ongoing debate centres on the issue of human rights as it relates to trade and, increasingly, investment. On one side are those who argue that nations such as Canada should withhold foreign aid, cancel export credits and other forms of financing, and even block trade and investment with countries with poor human-rights records. The emergence of a business class in these countries, they argue, rather than leading to democratic reforms and human rights, may work against the promotion of human rights. "Many business interests may welcome authoritarian rulers because they suppress demands by labour and other groups that oppose corruption and lack of equity in incomes and wealth."(135)
On the other side there are those who argue that trade is the answer to human-rights violations. From this perspective, trade and, increasingly, investment, lead to rising incomes, which result in a rise in living standards. As a general rule, human rights are most widely enjoyed in rich countries. If developing countries can be made wealthier, they too could desire such rights. For example, a growing middle class will develop the economic and political authority to assert individual rights and freedoms, as happened in South Korea and Taiwan. "Moreover, the argument runs, the very structures and habits necessary for active trade and investment – the rule of law, transparent and reliable regulation, relatively free markets, education and much else – tend sooner or later to engender conditions favouring respect for human rights(136)". Another point to consider when discussing the usefulness of trade is that by trading with countries whose human rights record is weak, opportunities are created for discussing human rights.(137) This is the so-called "constructive engagement" argument.
The Committee believes that the dichotomy between trade and human rights is a false one in the sense that the two entities are interwoven. What is coming to be realized by governments, policy makers, and businesses alike is that the universal acceptance of the rule of law, the outlawing of corrupt practices, respect for workers’ rights, high health and safety standards, and sensitivity to the environment are not only morally justifiable; they are good for business. By promoting and complying with human rights, a country fosters the political and consumer stability for economic prosperity and the fulfilment of trade commitments. Business also has an important role to play, both in human-rights promotion and in ensuring that it itself does not contribute to abuses.(138)
There are a number of strategies that can be adopted in order to integrate trade (and investment) and human rights priorities. On a domestic level, countries such as Canada can work on improving the overseas practices of their companies. Already, the U.S. government has unveiled a code of conduct designed to ensure that American firms curb labour abuses in Asian and other developing countries(139). Companies that have signed on (e.g., Nike, Reebok) have agreed to stop using child labour, to pay the applicable local minimum wages and to recognize workers’ right to free association and collective bargaining. All told, over two hundred American and European companies have signed on to good-behaviour codes for their overseas operations.
As things now stand, the Canadian government does not have any compulsory regulations on the overseas behaviour of Canadian companies; these would be viewed as embodying an unacceptable extraterritorial approach. Instead, it provides extensive trade and overseas investment promotion services, including the granting of invitations on Team Canada trade missions, without first assessing the company’s human rights records. If Canada wants its human rights endeavours to be taken seriously within Asia Pacific it is necessary to ensure that Canadian companies are meeting human rights standards in their own overseas operations.
In September 1997, a coalition of twelve Canadian businesses (including NOVA Corporation, a Committee witness) took a first step towards meeting the human rights challenge by announcing a voluntary international code of ethical business practices for domestic companies operating abroad. The code calls for standards of corporate behaviour in promoting and defending human rights, protecting the environment, guaranteeing employees’ health and safety, and dealing with corporate and official corruption overseas. The principles in this code are consistent with the Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises approved by members of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). While the Canadian corporate initiative is viewed by human rights organizations as falling short of corporate ethics and human rights programs being launched in other countries (e.g., the United States, Germany, Sweden), especially in the critical area of establishing mechanisms for monitoring business practices under the code, it should not be seen as the final result. Codes such as this one can be strengthened and greater interest on the part of domestic firms and business associations solicited.
The above approach meshes well with, and has been expanded by, the following specific recommendations made by Craig Forcese of the Canadian Lawyers Association for International Human Rights.
- "The Federal Government should actively promote the development and independent monitoring of codes of conduct containing core labour standards by Canadian corporations operating abroad by sponsoring fora with human rights, labour and business groups and by continuing to fund the development of codes of conduct for small- and medium-sized business. The scope of the latter programme, however, should be broadened to focus on codes including human and labour rights beyond child labour. It should follow the model of the US Department of Labour in introducing and publicizing a list of trendsetting Canadian firms who have agreed to abide by these standards.
- The Federal Government should work with human rights and labour groups and businesses to devise country guidelines meeting criteria set out in this report. These guidelines should indicate how business can avoid contributing to the repressive capacity of regimes or inducing repressive activities by states. The ultimate goal should be independently monitored Canadian regional or country-specific guidelines against which business human rights behaviour can be benchmarked.
- The Federal Government should identify in a registry those countries where it is impossible to do business without increasing the repressive capacity of a regime, or where workplace standards cannot be maintained because of the pervasiveness of human rights abuses in the country. The government should publicly establish thresholds of systematic human rights abuses beyond which the government (a) will not recommend overseas investment by Canadian firms and will not provide financial or other investment or export promotion assistance and will not provide tax credits for taxes paid to the regime; and (b) will implement unilateral economic or other sanctions or support multilateral sanctions.
- Governments should introduce selective purchasing regimes modelled on US precedents and the Canadian Federal Contractors Program’s employment equity provisions. Laws should be promulgated (a) conditioning government procurement on adherence by firms to country guidelines and core labour rights in their overseas operations; (b) conditioning financial and investment support contributions by government agencies, including Export Development Corporation and CIDA, on adherence by firms to country guidelines and core labour rights in their overseas operations; and (c) requiring that adherence to these codes be assessed with reference to independently audited reports."(140)
With the plunge of Asian economies into recession and the financial difficulties that the region faces, it is unlikely, however, that action taken by outside corporations and governments will alone be sufficient to stem human rights abuses, particularly with respect to labour. To deal with their financial difficulties, Asian firms are now facing considerable pressure to produce more and more output, at lower cost. Reducing output costs could involve greater use of child labour, and a reduced focus on worker health and safety concerns.
One option would be to strengthen the hand of the International Labour Organization (ILO), the global agency established to protect workers. Stronger action could be taken to persuade countries agreeing to certain labour-related conventions to ratify them, thereby prompting ILO scrutiny of labour practices. Alternatively, one could make the core labour principles of the ILO (freedom of association, the right to bargain collectively, prohibition of forced labour, freedom from discrimination and the elimination of child labour exploitation) binding on all members, regardless of whether or not certain conventions have been ratified. Currently, the organization has no power to enforce them. While tougher ILO conventions would establish higher labour standards, there would still remain a need for strengthened monitoring and enforcement.
On another multilateral level, countries could be encouraged to support the adoption into the WTO of a social clause, the purpose of which would be to afford all workers the above-mentioned basic rights and to link these rights more explicitly to trade. There are two basic problems with this proposal. First, the WTO has itself decided that workers’ rights are best handled within the ILO, not through a trade forum. Perhaps more significantly, Asian governments have refused to link trade with labour rights, arguing that these rights could be used by importing countries as protectionist ammunition to exclude products from the region. Certain business leaders, including those at NOVA Corporation, also reject the idea of linking labour standards to specific agreements.
The Committee believes that a number of the above suggestions, meant to resolve outstanding business ethics issues, have merit. In particular, we recommend:
Recommendation 17:
That the federal government work together with the business organizations to establish a Canadian business ethics code, the coverage of which would be considerably greater than the one currently in place.
E. Principles for a Coherent Canadian Human-Rights Policy
The Canadian foreign policy on human rights treats such rights not only as a fundamental value, but also as a crucial element in the development of stable, democratic, and prosperous societies.(141) We would go one step further: the two sides go hand in hand, in that encouraging good governance leads to stability and adherence to human rights. Several witnesses, many of whom were from the business community, were sympathetic to this view. Indeed, they stressed the importance of the rule of law; the free flow of information; and the promotion of democracy.
The Committee considers acceptance of the following principles to be a minimum requirement in the fashioning of a coherent Canadian policy on human rights. First, while it would be inappropriate for us to try to dictate how human rights values should be applied in Asia Pacific, Canada has a responsibility to encourage the adherence of other countries to the universal human rights and, in particular, those instruments that they have signed.
Second, the provision of support to countries to boost reform efforts is entirely appropriate. Canada should share its knowledge and experience to help foster the capacity of countries to create and implement their own human rights strategies.
In instances of serious human rights violations, the Canadian government role is to work with both the government and the civil society where the violations are said to be taking place. In working to effect change, Canada should, where possible, take part in multilateral efforts; consistently this has been one of Canada’s most effective means of expressing concern in such situations. Some of the foreign policy instruments that Canada has used in cases of extreme human rights violations include the support of human rights organizations and punitive measures such as trade sanctions.
Some of Canada’s day-to-day work in the field of human rights is carried out through the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA). Through this organization, Canada works to enhance the will and capacity of developing country-societies to respect the rights of children, women, and men, and to govern effectively and in a democratic manner.(142) CIDA "seeks to strengthen the role and capacity of civil society and democratic institutions; promote the effective and accountable exercise of power by the public sector; support organizations that promote and protect human rights; and enhance the will of leaders to respect rights and rule democratically.(143)"
There are a number of excellent, cutting-edge programs being carried out by CIDA which are addressing some of the most pressing human rights issues currently facing the region. For example, the Southeast Asia Fund for Institutional and Legal Development (SEAFILD) has projects specifically geared to assisting migrant workers, while others are geared toward the victims of the sex trade.(144) Unfortunately, the projects are necessarily small and focused while the prevalence and nature of the human rights violations are diffuse. Although progress is being made, the pace is slow.
Third, Canada should not "leave its human rights values at the door" in its commercial (e.g., Team Canada trade missions) and other dealings with countries, but rather should share its values with others.
Finally, receipt of federal funds in Canada to support commercial activity outside of Canada can be made conditional on the meeting of certain behavioural standards affecting human rights. Current practices by federal government agencies such as the Export Development Corporation (EDC) are not always consistent with Canadian commitments to democracy and development.
Given the testimony heard, the Committee recommends:
Recommendation 18:
That Canadian foreign policy include the following group of principles as a minimum requirement in enunciating a clear stance on human rights:
Adherence to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is the responsibility of all states. As such, Canada has the responsibility to encourage Asia Pacific countries to adhere and comply with the international human rights declarations and, in particular, instruments that they have signed.
Canada has an important role to play in assisting its Asia Pacific partners in boosting their reform efforts and fostering their human rights capacity to develop their own human rights strategies. Canada should foster multilateral, regional and bilateral dialogues with other countries to draw them more fully into the international human rights system…
…It is essential that Canadian governments, businesses and citizens continue to uphold their respect for human rights, irrespective of their location.
In order to ensure that Canadian public funds are being spent in a manner that complements Canadian values, the provision of federal assistance to support commercial activity should be made conditional on adherence to the minimum international standards for human rights.
The crisis in the Asia Pacific region has highlighted the importance of addressing human rights, not as a separate issue, but as an integral element of good governance and sound economic policy. Witnesses appearing before the Committee stressed the need for Canada to assist its partners within Asia Pacific in strengthening the elements that facilitate a strong human rights environment. Specifically, the issues of good governance, democratization, a vibrant civil society, the rule of law and an independent judiciary were presented as essential components for a strong and stable society.
While 1998 marked the close of Canada’s Year of Asia Pacific and brought about heightened economic and political turmoil in the region, the Committee is not of the opinion that the Asia Pacific region should become less important on the Canadian agenda. Instead, the Committee urges Canada to continue to work as an Asia Pacific country, ensuring that the partnerships between countries may continue to strengthen for the benefit of all members. Canada should not turn its back on the region.
In the months to come, the Committee hopes to remain cognizant of developments within Asia as well as in other financially-plagued regions of the world.