Rose pursuant to notice of February 27, 2024:

That she will call the attention of the Senate to the courage, bravery and sacrifice of Alexei Navalny and other political prisoners persecuted by Putin’s Russia.

She said: Honourable senators, I rise today to bring to your attention the extraordinary contributions of an extraordinary man in extraordinary times. Alexei Navalny is — and was — such a man.

His death is a blow to all freedom lovers in the world, but it is a body blow to Russians who aspire to the freedoms that we take so much for granted here: freedom of expression, freedom of association, freedom to have fair elections and freedom to enjoy peace and security in our lives and those of future generations.

Navalny’s strength was his courage. He did not know fear. Even if he did, he did not give in to it. His life’s work speaks to this. He ferreted out and documented corruption in the state and state actors in Russia. He uncovered corruption within the Russian political sphere, and revealed embezzlement of public funds and questionable dealings at the highest levels of government. He founded the Anti-Corruption Foundation and started to document the deep-rooted systemic misdealings of influential government leaders in Russia. He had the courage to name names and, with his sharp commentary, gained widespread attention and established himself as a voice that could not be ignored. He called out the “crooks and thieves” in the ruling party. He disclosed to the Russian people the existence of Putin’s palace, with its own impregnable fences, its own port, its own security, its own church, its own permit system, a no-fly zone and even its own border checkpoint. He told the Russians that, “It is absolutely a separate state within Russia.” For this, Navalny was relentlessly pursued by the Russian state and imprisoned time and time again.

In a sense, the system’s relentless pursuit of Navalny elevated his persona from that of an online leader to a real and present leader. Despite numerous arrests and sham trials during his quest for transparency and accountability, Navalny persisted in his opposition to the regime. He became even more of a target and was the subject of a completely bizarre poisoning in August 2020. Russian secret agents infected his underwear with the Novichok nerve agent.

When you read about it, that sounds like something straight out of a James Bond 007 movie, but no, it was a real and serious attack on his life.

The poisoning incident emphasized the personal risks Navalny endured in his pursuit of change and sparked calls for an independent investigation. His survival of the attack further solidified his image as a resilient figure standing up against powerful adversaries. Despite this attempt on his life, Navalny decided to go back to Russia, knowing very clearly that he would be arrested on arrival.

It’s hard to understand this decision and his state of mind, but he said:

I don’t want to give up either my country or my beliefs. I cannot betray either the first or the second. If your beliefs are worth something, you must be willing to stand up to them. And if necessary, make sacrifices.

Alexei spent the next years in the harshest detention, solitary confinement and unbearable prison conditions. Despite this, he never wavered in expressing his hopes and aspirations for a free and democratic Russia. His tenacity in the face of adversity served as an inspiration to numerous individuals aspiring to foster a more just and accountable Russia, both inside and outside Russia. He had a vision for Russia — a vision that I think all of us, all humankind, can align themselves with. He said:

I want Russia to be as wealthy as it has the potential to be. I want this wealth to be distributed fairly. I want us to have normal health care. I want to see men —

 — I’m sure he meant women as well —

— live long enough to retire: these days, half don’t make it. I want us to have a normal education system, and I want all people to get an education.

For all of this, we know he lost his life.

His wife, Yulia Navalnaya, and his many followers have vowed to continue in his footsteps and keep his vision for Russia alive. She has said:

I will continue the work of Alexei Navalny. . . . I urge you to stand next to me. . . . We need to make use of every opportunity. To fight against the war, against corruption, against injustice. To fight for fair elections and free speech. To fight to get our country back.

Sadly, colleagues, Alexei Navalny is not alone. There are thousands of others who rot in these unbearable, harsh Siberian prisons. Honorary Canadian citizen Vladimir Kara-Murza is one of them. You will remember that last year this chamber, along with the other place, conferred honorary Canadian citizenship to him. I believe honorary Canadian citizenship has only previously been granted to seven other individuals.

Why did we do this? First, because he deserved it, but second, because we wanted to provide him with protection, and honorary citizenship provides that protection.

We can go one step further. We can actually confer the citizenship on him in the House of Commons, as we have done with Malala Yousafzai and others. Although we know that Russia would never allow him to come and accept the citizenship, his wife, Evgenia Kara-Murza, who has been in this chamber and who has been recognized in this chamber, would be a proxy for his life and would underline the fact, once again, that Canada believes in his freedom and in his protection by doing so.

We have other tools to hold Russia accountable too. We can hold them accountable where it hurts — in their pocketbooks. Russia has close to $400 billion in assets squirrelled away in Western financial systems. It is time to coordinate and work with our G7 partners, seize those assets and use them to compensate for the crimes Russia is committing against the Ukrainian people. Our government should act urgently on this front and, as a stroke of irony, name this action the Navalny act.

In closing, I go back to Navalny’s signature quality: his fearlessness. He did not fear Putin, and neither should we. Like Navalny, we need to show courage and fearlessness when faced with a dictator who acts with impunity, who declares war on a sovereign nation, and who gets to make, keep and hide money while thousands suffer.

Honourable senators, giving into fear would dishonour Navalny’s legacy. I urge this chamber to stand up and have both the courage and the fearlessness that he demonstrated.

Thank you.

Colleagues, on February 16, the death of Russian lawyer and political activist Alexei Navalny at the age of 47 in a penal colony in the Russian Arctic sent shockwaves around the world.

After the very public assassinations of journalist and human rights activist Anna Politkovskaya in the elevator of her building in the heart of Moscow, and former deputy prime minister of Russia Boris Nemstov in the middle of the street near the Red Square, President Putin’s dictatorial regime has now chosen to eliminate an adversary who became too famous in the secrecy of a prison far from Moscow.

Whatever the means chosen — assassination, unfortunate fall from the top of a building, plan crash, poisoning or death in prison — the Putin regime’s message is always the same to those who would challenge it: “Play ball or die.”

A quote attributed to Stalin seems increasingly well suited to President Putin: “Death solves all problems. No man, no problem.”

Navalny’s fight for democracy began with protests in the winter of 2011-12, when he set up the Anti-Corruption Foundation, which earned him his first prison sentences.

In July 2013, the Russian justice system sentenced him to five years in a camp for allegedly embezzling funds. He was granted a reprieve on appeal despite the judges’ inclination to do what the regime demanded.

In 2018, when he tried to run as a candidate in the presidential election, the electoral commission declared him ineligible based on his prior criminal convictions. As far as the Russian system was concerned, he was a tried and convicted criminal.

In 2020, he became a victim of poisoning and fell into a coma that required months of treatment and rehabilitation in Germany.

He knew, when he returned to Russia on January 17, 2021, after a long convalescence, that he risked prison once again, and that’s what happened. He was arrested as soon as he stepped off the plane. On February 2, 2021, the Russian judicial system converted his suspended sentence to hard time in prison. Then he was sent to a penal colony for two and a half years. His foundation was shut down for extremism, and the regime put Navalny’s name on its list of terrorists and extremists. The system has no mercy for dissidents.

In March 2022, he was sentenced to nine years in prison for fraud and contempt of court.

Finally, in August 2023, he was found guilty of extremism again, and this time he was sentenced to 19 years in prison. He was then transferred from his prison in east Moscow to a penal colony in Siberia. In other words, he was consigned to oblivion. Nevertheless, in Russia and around the world, he was seen as a crusader for democracy who was still standing up to President Putin.

On February 16, 2024, just a few weeks before the Russian presidential election, prison authorities announced that he was dead. Although two months have passed since he died, the circumstances surrounding his death remain unclear. His widow, Yulia Navalnaya, believes that it was an assassination ordered by Putin to eliminate his greatest opponent and critic. On February 28, she told the European Parliament, and I quote:

Putin killed my husband. On his orders, Alexei was tortured for three years. He was starved in a tiny stone cell, cut off from the outside world . . .

She continued, saying, “And then they killed him. Even after that, they abused his body and abused his mother.”

His wife, who is now a widow, was threatened through Russian official media with imprisonment upon arrival.

Navalny’s funeral had to be organized by his mother, Lyudmila Navalnaya. Russian officials attempted to coerce her into having a private, secret funeral, even threatening to allow Navalny’s body to decay if she refused. His body was finally returned to his mother on February 24, eight days after his death. For his mother and others assisting her, it was hard to find a location for the funeral; due to fear of reprisals from the authorities, there were no funeral homes or churches available, not even for a private funeral.

On February 27, Vasily Dubkov, a lawyer for Navalny, was briefly detained in Moscow for “violating public order,” as part of the ongoing crackdowns on Navalny’s legal team and the Anti-Corruption Foundation by the Russian authorities.

Finally, Navalny’s farewell ceremony was held in his home district of Maryino, a suburb of Moscow, on March 1.

Thousands attended despite heavy police presence and fears of the reprisal that many are likely to be exposed to now.

As we all know, the latest presidential elections were held in Russia from March 15 to 17. It is important to note that voting is compulsory and largely done by electronic ballot. Commenting on the Russian election, our own Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mélanie Joly, said:

The presidential election in Russia was a non-democratic process that does not conform to international standards. Flaws include a biased and exclusionary nomination procedure, abuse of public resources in favour of Vladimir Putin’s candidacy, extremely unbalanced media coverage, lack of public discussion of policy issues, and lack of guarantees of secrecy in electronic voting. The system was stacked to benefit the favoured candidate and deny voters a meaningful choice long before balloting began.

United States Secretary of State Antony Blinken said:

Russia’s recent presidential election occurred in an environment of intense repression of independent voices and the imprisonment, death, or exile of virtually all genuine political opposition. The Kremlin has systematically marginalized groups advocating for democratic processes and rule of law, including election monitors. Russian authorities also denied anti-war candidates’ registration for the presidential election on spurious technical pretenses and did not invite the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe’s Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, or any credible international organizations, to observe polling. These steps illustrate the extent to which the Kremlin has denied its citizens a transparent, meaningful democratic process. Against this backdrop, this election can only be described as undemocratic.

Despite all of that, Vladimir Putin officially won only 88% of the vote. In other words, despite the fear that the regime has put in place over the years, the lack of real opponents to run and the electronic voting — which cannot be trusted — at least 12% of Russians dared to vote against him.

What should we do here in Canada?

Let me again quote Navalny’s widow. In a speech before the European Parliament, she said:

You cannot hurt Putin with another resolution or another set of sanctions that is no different from the previous ones. You cannot defeat him by thinking he’s a man of principle who has morals and rules. He’s not like that, and Alexei realized that a long time ago. You are not dealing with a politician but with a bloody mobster. . . .

She continued, saying:

You, and all of us, must fight this criminal gang. And the political innovation here is to apply the methods of fighting organised crime, not political competition. Not diplomatic notes, but investigations into the financial machinations. Not statements of concern, but a search for mafia associates in your countries, for the discreet lawyers and financiers who are helping Putin and his friends to hide money.

This is a message similar to that of our colleague Senator Omidvar, who has advocated for strengthening the Magnitsky Act to authorize the confiscation of seized assets of Putin and his allies in Canada. We should act on this.

The Honourable Irwin Cotler; Bill Browder, the man behind Magnitsky-type acts around the world; and their colleague Brandon Silver, who is working with the Raoul Wallenberg Centre for Human Rights in Montreal, said this in a piece jointly published on March 13:

Canada should encourage allies to confiscate Russia’s frozen central bank reserves, and implement sanctions against the architects of Putin’s political imprisonments. Proceeds of such sanctions should be disbursed to organizations supporting dissidents and their families, like Kara-Murza’s 30 October Foundation as well as victims of Russia’s war of aggression in Ukraine.

In closing, I would like to pay tribute to Navalny, as well as to all the other opponents, whether they are well known or anonymous, who continue to resist tyranny in Russia.

I am of course thinking of Vladimir Kara-Murza, who, as Senator Omidvar also mentioned, has been granted honorary Canadian citizenship by our Parliament and who is serving a 25‑year prison sentence. I’m also thinking of the other political prisoners, who number around a thousand, according to the NGO OVD-Info, a Russian human rights monitoring organization. To all those who are defying the Putin regime and risking death and detention, I say this: We will be watching closely. We’re here. We see what you’re doing. Don’t give up. We won’t forget you. You are not forgotten. You are fighting for democracy.

Colleagues, thank you for your attention.

Honourable senators, pity the people of Russia, where, as Alexei Navalny called out, they are governed by crooks and thieves. We also now know they are governed by killers. I add my voice to those condemning the killing of Alexei Navalny.

Sadly, the sudden death of someone speaking for fairness and justice has long ceased to be shocking and instead has become common in Putin’s Russia.

Whatever is written on Alexei Navalny’s death certificate, the world knows the true cause was a killing, and it was due to his attempt to bring accountability and transparency to the Russian government. On top of this, there was his very effective opposition to the crooks in the Kremlin who were stealing the people’s money to buy superyachts and mansions in Western countries, while many Russian citizens have no running water in their homes.

For Alexei Navalny was no voice in the wilderness, not even after he had been imprisoned there. His was a voice that was widely heard, one that called out the official lies and delusions of the Russian government. Russians heard him and knew there was an opposition, an alternative, however repressed and endangered by those in power.

Why are we rising to speak today? What impact can a few speeches in the Canadian Senate have on Russia? The reason for speaking is to never forget the efforts of those many brave Russians who stood up to Putin and his cronies, who have been described as a criminal organization masquerading as a government.

Senators will recall the Sergei Magnitsky Law. Much as we’re doing today, back then we remembered Sergei Magnitsky, a martyr for the stand he took, and the price he paid for that stand. Sergei Magnitsky was a tax lawyer investigating the theft of corporate seals and related documents from the company he was working for. This theft involved officials from the Russian Interior Ministry and led to the discovery of a $230-million tax fraud. As the investigation proceeded, Magnitsky determined that, far from being the source of the fraud, the company was the victim of misconduct by corrupt officials. Unfortunately for Mr. Magnitsky, those officials then charged him with the crime and sent him to prison, where his health deteriorated due to abuse and denial of vital medical care.

He died in prison only for the Russian government to charge and convict him of tax fraud five years later.

Like Alexei Navalny, Sergei Magnitsky paid with his life, but it should be remembered that if these officials thought they were solving their problems by letting Magnitsky die in prison, they were mistaken. Since then, countries around the world, including Canada, have enacted so-called Magnitsky legislation, which imposes sanctions on individuals who have committed human rights abuses or been involved in corruption.

As with Sergei Magnitsky, the death of Alexei Navalny does not end the problems he represents to those in power in Russia. After all, if his criticism of the current regime had not gained traction among ordinary Russians, he could have been safely ignored, rather than harassed, imprisoned and finally killed. Those criticisms will not go away. The desire for accountability is still there. His dream will live on in the hearts of those hoping for a free Russia.

This murder, just like the killing of Sergei Magnitsky, will not be forgotten. Those responsible will pay a price, and that is why Western countries have to stand together. We need to speak up, not shut up.

Colleagues, I will close with a common Russian saying, attributed to many people, about their government: We know they are lying; they know they are lying; they know that we know that they are lying; we know that they know that we know that they know they are lying; and still, they continue to lie.

Honourable senators, I rise today to speak to the inquiry brought forward by our colleague Senator Omidvar regarding the life and sacrifices of Alexei Navalny. I want to thank Senator Omidvar for initiating this inquiry and for allowing colleagues to add their remarks in remembrance of an anti-corruption activist, a symbol of democratic rights and a proponent of free speech.

Mr. Navalny’s upbringing and education were in many ways unremarkable. He was the son of a Red Army officer, and his parents ran a basket factory. He obtained a law degree, went on to study finance and securities and was awarded a scholarship through the World Fellows Program at Yale. He worked as a real estate lawyer who authored a financial blog for investors, but it was through this blog that Mr. Navalny came to expose theft and abuse inside state-owned companies.

Beyond his blog and political activism, Mr. Navalny became very adept at using social media to promote and highlight the concerns and perspectives of many Russians and to ensure their voices were heard. His financial blog had been critical of President Putin for, if not condoning, certainly tolerating the financial abuse in state-owned companies.

As a result of the protests and Russians now having the courage to make their voices heard, Mr. Navalny became a leading voice in ensuring that a healthy and robust opposition existed. Colleagues, we all know what happened from this point forward.

For the rest of his life, he would be in and out of prison. There were years of arrests, court cases and trumped-up charges of embezzlement — leading to a suspended sentence — all the way up to charges of terrorism and extremism that could have resulted in a 30-year prison term.

Alexei Navalny was left nearly blind in 2017 when acid mixed with green dye was thrown in his face. He was subsequently banned from running in any democratic elections.

He survived several poisoning attempts, the first of which took place when he spent time in prison for encouraging unauthorized protests. The second happened while he was on a plane over Siberia. He was eventually airlifted to Germany, where it was confirmed that he had been poisoned with a toxic nerve agent used in chemical warfare.

As you’ve heard already and as we all know, against the advice of many, after his recovery in January 2021, he returned to Russia where he was immediately detained and jailed. He would never be free again. Supporters staged mass protests across Russia and thousands were rounded up and detained for participating in unauthorized rallies.

Honourable senators, Alexei Navalny’s influence and inspiration cannot be discounted. Many consider him a hero for exposing corruption and giving Russians the courage to express their displeasure with the regime. Indeed, within hours of the news breaking of his death, a wave of tributes poured in from around the world while in his home country more than 400 Russians were arrested for placing red flowers at makeshift memorials.

During one of his many court appearances, Navalny pressed a handwritten note against the glass of the dock, which read, “I am not afraid, and you should not be afraid.”

On behalf of the Government of Canada, I extend heartfelt condolences to his mother, Lyudmila; his wife, Yulia; his daughter, Dasha; his son, Zakhar; and to all his friends and family as well as his extended family numbering in the millions for whom he fought and tragically died. May he rest in peace.

On February 16 at an Arctic penal colony in Russia, one of Putin’s most dreaded opponents died at age 47. Alexei Navalny — a politician willing to risk it all to expose the corruption inside Putin’s regime — was assassinated by the Russian government the day before being involved in a prisoner swap.

Alexei Navalny was more than just a politician. He was a symbol of hope for millions of Russians yearning for a better future, free from the shackles of corruption and oppression. His relentless pursuit of truth and accountability made him a thorn in the side of the Kremlin, threatening to expose the rot at the core of Putin’s regime. For this, he paid the ultimate price.

It is important to recognize that Navalny’s early political career was marked by positions and statements that align with extremist views, including anti-Semitism. His past association and comments have raised valid concerns and criticisms, and it is crucial to confront and address them honestly. However, it is also important to recognize that individuals can evolve, learn and change their perspectives over time.

In recent years, Navalny publicly renounced his previous extreme views and ideologies. He demonstrated a commitment to democratic principles, human rights and the rule of law. He courageously fought against corruption and authoritarianism in Russia, risking his life to expose the systemic injustices plaguing his country. This change of heart meant that he made powerful enemies in Putin’s Russia, and it eventually cost him his life.

Dear colleagues, we cannot allow Navalny’s sacrifice to be in vain. As senators committed to upholding human rights and to promoting democracy around the world, we have a moral obligation to stand up for those who cannot speak for themselves. We must use our voice and influence to hold tyrants and oppressors to account for their crimes. We must work tirelessly to support and empower those who fight for freedom and justice in the face of tyranny.

In this regard, I would be remiss if I did not mention Sergei Magnitsky, whose name has become synonymous with fighting against corruption and impunity. Magnitsky, who was a humble lawyer, uncovered a massive tax fraud scheme perpetrated by corrupt officials only to be arrested, tortured and killed in custody. His legacy lives on in our Sergei Magnitsky Law thanks to our esteemed former colleague here in the Senate, Raynell Andreychuk.

Moreover, we cannot ignore the role that Russia plays in the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. The invasion of Crimea and the ongoing aggression in eastern Ukraine represents blatant violations of international law and the sovereignty of neighbouring states. The Russian government’s support for separatist militias and its continued military presence in the region have resulted in untold suffering for the people of Ukraine and has destabilized the entire region.

As members of the international community, we have a responsibility to hold Russia accountable for its actions and to stand in solidarity with the people of Ukraine. We must continue to support diplomatic efforts to resolve the conflict peacefully and to provide assistance to those who have been displaced or affected by the violence.

Furthermore, we must recognize that the murder of Navalny is not an isolated incident but rather part of a broader pattern of human rights abuses and repression in Russia and other like‑minded regimes such as those in Iran, Turkey and China.

Journalists, activists and political opponents are routinely harassed, intimidated and even killed for speaking out against these regimes. I’m thinking right now of Jimmy Lai in Hong Kong.

This culture of fear and impunity must end if Russia, or any of these other nations, is ever to fulfill its potential as a democratic and free society.

In conclusion, let us honour the memory of Alexei Navalny by redoubling our efforts to support the cause of democracy and human rights in Russia and around the world.

Let us stand with the people of Ukraine in their struggle for peace and freedom, and let us send a clear and unequivocal message to the Russian government: The world is watching, and we will not tolerate the suppression of dissent and the violation of international law.

Thank you, colleagues.