THE STANDING SENATE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS AND INTERNATIONAL TRADE
EVIDENCE
OTTAWA, Thursday, November 28, 2024
The Standing Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Trade met with videoconference this day at 11:30 a.m. [ET] to examine and report on Canada’s interests and engagement in Africa.
Senator Peter M. Boehm (Chair) in the chair.
[Translation]
The Chair: Good morning, honourable senators. My name is Peter Boehm. I’m a senator from Ontario and the chair of the Standing Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Trade. Before we begin, I want to invite the committee members in attendance today to introduce themselves, starting on my left.
Senator Gerba: Amina Gerba from Quebec.
[English]
Senator Adler: Charles Adler, Manitoba.
Senator MacDonald: Michael MacDonald, Nova Scotia.
Senator Woo: Yuen Pau Woo, British Columbia.
Senator Harder: Peter Harder, Ontario.
Senator Boniface: Gwen Boniface, Ontario.
Senator M. Deacon: Welcome. Marty Deacon, Ontario.
Senator Coyle: Mary Coyle, Antigonish, Nova Scotia.
The Chair: I just wanted to add that Senator Adler is with us today. Thank you for coming. He’s not normally a member of the committee, but is obviously showing an interest in the work that we do.
Senator Adler: The Foreign Affairs Committee is the most interesting committee on Parliament Hill.
The Chair: Thank you very much. That’s great. I’m sure no one will disagree with you in this room.
Welcome, senators, and I wish to welcome everyone who may be watching us across the country today on ParlVU.
Colleagues, today we are continuing our study on Canada’s interests and engagement in Africa. For our first panel, we have the great pleasure of welcoming, by video conference from Addis Ababa, Ben Marc Diendéré, who is Canada’s Permanent Observer to the African Union and United Nations Economic Commission for Africa. Welcome to the committee, ambassador, and we thank you for taking the time to be with us today. My understanding is that you might be facing technical difficulties related to the infrastructure, including power and other things, so we’ll just bear through it. We’re delighted to have you.
Before we hear your remarks and proceed to questions and answers, I would ask everyone present to please mute notifications on their devices.
We’re now ready to hear your opening remarks, ambassador, and these remarks will be followed, as usual, by questions from senators and your answers.
[Translation]
Ben Marc Diendéré, Canada’s Permanent Observer to the African Union and the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, Global Affairs Canada: Thank you, Mr. Chair. Honourable senators, good evening from Addis Ababa. First, I would like to thank you for this invitation and this opportunity to give testimony in support of Canada’s engagement in Africa.
Since 2023, I’ve had the honour of representing Canada at the African Union as part of a brand-new permanent representation. I’m supported in my role by a team of dedicated professionals. Like me, they’re driven by the desire to harness the full potential of the Canada-Africa partnership. Senators, did you know that this year marks the 15th anniversary of our accreditation to the African Union?
[English]
As the pre-eminent multilateral organization in Africa, the African Union, or AU, is a key player in advancing peace, security, trade and development and a vital partner for Canada in fostering collaboration across the continent. This is a critical partnership for us, and it has been the case from the start.
Canada is committed to supporting the African Union’s vision of African-led solutions to development and political challenges. A cornerstone of this vision is Agenda 2063, which is Africa’s strategic framework for inclusive and sustainable growth aimed at building a prosperous and unified continent. This framework includes several ambitious projects, such as the African Continental Free Trade Area Agreement, or AfCFTA, which, once fully implemented, will create the world’s largest free-trade zone by the number of participating countries.
Canada looks forward to continuing regular engagement with the AUC, the African Union Commission, to maintain momentum and continue advancing shared priorities, including around international financial institutions, the UN Security Council reform, and in the context of Canada’s upcoming G7 presidency and South Africa’s G20 presidency.
[Translation]
Senators, as you know, this has been a busy year for Canada in terms of Canada-Africa relations. I’ll share a few significant developments. Just three weeks ago, we held our high-level dialogue with the African Union in Toronto.
The event was attended by Justin Trudeau, Prime Minister; Mélanie Joly, Minister of Foreign Affairs; Mary Ng, Minister of Export Promotion, International Trade and Development; and Ahmed Hussen, Minister of International Development. They welcomed Moussa Faki Mahamat, Chairperson of the African Union Commission, and his delegation, consisting of the commissioner for development and the commissioner for humanitarian affairs.
What did we announce? Minister Joly announced $54 million for many African projects, which will focus on food security, security, good governance and diplomatic relations. We also announced the establishment of a special envoy for Africa and a special envoy for the Sahel. These two special envoys will strengthen our engagement at the regional, national and continental levels.
[English]
As you can see, Africa is of key importance to Canada’s foreign policies. This comes into focus as we take stock of some impressive statistics. Africa is made of 54 countries, more than any other continent on earth, and six emerging economic communities. It is home for 1.4 billion people, and 60% of the African population is under the age of 25.
The African Development Bank forecasts that Africa will be the world’s second-largest growing region, with 11 of the 20 fastest growing economies in 2024. By 2050, one in four people on the planet will be living in Africa, and the continent has the potential to become tomorrow’s engine of global growth, unlocking an estimated US$3 trillion in consumer spending. Our mutual prosperity and security are inextricably linked.
On the one hand, we can say that Africa has the most diverse ecosystem and abundant resources. The continent boasts 30% of the world’s critical minerals, 60% of the solar energy potential and 25% of global biodiversity, and it harnesses a larger carbon capture potential than the Amazon.
Alas, despite enormous potential, Africa’s progress continues to be impeded by complex and multi-faceted challenges. Nearly a third of all Africans live in extreme poverty. In 2024, sub-Saharan Africa accounted for 67% of the people living in extreme poverty. Two thirds of the world’s population living in extreme poverty is living in sub-Saharan Africa, rising to three quarters when including all fragile and conflict-affected countries.
Faced with these realities, Canada can play a key role, along shared values, to advance trade that works for everyone and to leverage the capacity and dynamics of the world’s youngest population. Canada and Africa enjoy a robust and enduring partnership spanning over five decades. We’re committed to deepening our engagement and strengthening this relationship.
Let’s talk about that relationship for a moment and where we see it going. Overseas, Canada is represented through its 27 diplomatic missions in Africa, spanning the five regions of the continent. This includes 22 embassies and high commissions, 40 diplomatic officials and my permanent observer mission to the African Union. Our trade presence is 16 Canadian trade commissioners and 47 locally engaged officers.
Talking about diaspora, almost 1.4 million people in Canada are of African origin. Undeniably, Africa and Canada enjoy extensive people-to-people ties, and we’re working together with a collaboration that benefits communities in Canada and Africa. Canada understands that strengthening that mutual engagement is critical to our security and prosperity.
[Translation]
Senators, when building and fulfilling this mutual engagement, Global Affairs Canada conducted consultations to develop strategies. The department met with over 600 stakeholders and brought together more than 83 small businesses. We consulted 39 African countries, 80 academics, 200 civil society organizations and 70 diaspora associations. At the African Development Bank summit, I had the opportunity to meet with about 20 finance ministers from African countries. Minister Joly and Minister Ng made some good announcements during our high-level dialogue. We expect all these developments to strengthen our relationship.
[English]
Canada is committed to supporting mutually beneficial partnerships with African countries and institutions, and our thriving relationship with the African Union reflects this commitment. We signed a memorandum of understanding with the AU, focusing on key areas such as peace and security, climate action, gender equality and sustainable development. We announced a significant financial commitment, including $54 million for peacebuilding initiatives and $176 million for development projects supporting the empowerment of youth and women. Finally, we expressed our support for the AU’s G20 membership and the UN Security Council and international financial institutions reforms.
I’ll leave you with an African proverb: When the roots are deep, there’s no reason to fear the wind.
[Translation]
Thank you for your attention.
The Chair: Thank you, ambassador, for your remarks. I would like to inform the committee that we’re joined by Senator Suze Youance from Quebec. Welcome, senator.
[English]
We will begin with our round of questions, and, as usual, it’s four minutes, so please keep your preambles short and your questions concise so that we can extract the maximum amount of commentary and information from our distinguished witness.
Senator MacDonald: Thank you, Mr. Diendéré, for being with us this morning. In 2022, the ruling parties of six southern African countries — Tanzania, South Africa, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Namibia and Angola — partnered with the Chinese Communist Party to open the Mwalimu Julius Nyerere Leadership School in Tanzania. The ruling parties in these southern African countries are all liberation movements that have been in power since independence. Observers have suggested that the school is an attempt on the part of Beijing to export its model of governance overseas as well as an attempt of the governing southern African liberation movements to entrench their parties’ rule.
In your view, is China attempting to export its model of one-party governance to Africa? If so, what specific steps should Canada take diplomatically or through international partnerships to support democratic resilience in Africa and prevent the erosion of political pluralism on the continent? Thank you.
[Translation]
Mr. Diendéré: Thank you, senator. I was just saying that our relationship with the African Union is one of our most vital relationships. It gives us the opportunity to observe how the African Union member countries behave with their various partners. Is China’s relationship with the countries that you listed a privileged relationship, leading to what you call a communist school of thought and a communist system? I can’t answer that. I can say that the African Union countries don’t share a unanimous view of the various partnerships with different countries, including China, Russia and other countries that may fall into this wave. I don’t have the finesse to answer your question, but I think that it’s a good one.
[English]
Senator MacDonald: My second question is this: On the margins of the second Canada-AUC High-Level Dialogue, which took place this November, Minister Joly announced $54 million in Canadian funding for flagship initiatives in Africa. Among other areas, these initiatives included a commitment to name a special envoy for Africa. What are the mandates of these special envoys, and what concrete measures will be taken to ensure these envoys work toward advancing Canada’s strategic objectives, especially in light of the concerns about the effectiveness and efficiency of foreign aid in such complex environments?
[Translation]
Mr. Diendéré: First, the announcement of a special envoy is good news. We may be one of the last G7 countries to have one.
Second, the department could elaborate on the role and responsibilities of the special envoy for Africa. There’s another special envoy for the Sahel. I can tell you right now that we really need it. We need a special envoy to cover regional issues and partnership issues with the other United Nations institutions and the Canadian diaspora. I think that we’re on the right track with a special envoy.
The Chair: Thank you, ambassador.
[English]
I would like to note that Senator Stephen Greene of Nova Scotia has joined the meeting.
Senator Harder: Thank you, ambassador, for being with us. Your appointment reflects the recognition by the Government of Canada that the pan-African institutions are where we ought to also add our representation. I’d like you to express in a little more detail how you do your work. That is to say, the work in Addis Ababa, how do you coordinate that with our missions in nation states? Secondly, to what extent are you engaged in working with the four regional economic commissions in Africa, so that we’re bringing Canadian coherence and understanding to that as well?
So take us through some of the mechanics of how your work is done, and, to the extent that as a good public servant you’re able to, could you give us a sense of what resources or mandates might be enhanced to allow you to accomplish this work more effectively?
[Translation]
Mr. Diendéré: Thank you, senator. Your question shows that you were a deputy minister and your level of responsibility before coming here.
The African Union consists of 54 countries. The 54 member countries are all represented in Addis Ababa by an embassy from each country. There are six regional zones: the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, or IGAD; the Economic Community of West African States, or ECOWAS; the Southern African Development Community, or SADC; and the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, or COMESA. Everyone is represented. The European Union is represented. The G7 countries are represented. A NATO representation is taking shape. When an ambassador is appointed here, they must engage in everything that the African Union Commission initiates with its partners and with its own institutions.
Did you know that the African Union has only six organs, from heads of state to the commission? Personally, I deal with only one organ, which is the African Union Commission. I don’t talk to the heads of state or the other authorities in the middle, such as the technical committee. In terms of the mechanics, it’s a two-headed structure. I work with the commission and the six commissioners. Business people like me know that it’s similar to a president with their vice-presidents. I act according to Canada’s interests in all our areas of interest, such as agriculture, education, peace and security, and also in connection with any partnerships that the African Union may enter into.
Senator, in terms of bilateral relations with the other ambassadors on the territory, our other embassies have been informed of every single activity that I’ve undertaken with the African Union. Our bilateral relationship is vital. I’m delighted that we’ve added Benin and Zambia as potential new embassies. That brings the total to almost 30 embassies now. It’s good news for the future.
In terms of the regional economic communities, it’s especially important to know that our relationship lies primarily with the African Union. The African Union must constantly deal with these regional economic communities, which are actually its own partners.
I made a recent chart of my meetings. I realized that I had attended 247 bilateral meetings since my arrival. I haven’t slept a wink. My point is that we need to provide the Canadian voice, the voice of our representation here. We need to talk about how seriously we take the relationship developed after 15 years of accreditation. Having an ambassador dedicated to these issues is perfectly acceptable and feasible for us. Only seven countries have two ambassadors there, including Japan, Switzerland, Canada and the United States. I’m missing two countries, but we can add to the list. This duality means that we can have someone dedicated to the African Union. Since the African Union is becoming significant, we also need to be there.
The Chair: Thank you, ambassador. You’re obviously quite busy. You’re an extremely active ambassador.
Senator Gerba: Thank you, Ambassador Diendéré, for your work for our country and around the world. The results of this work were announced in Toronto on November 7. Thank you.
As Canada’s permanent representative to the African Union, even though you don’t work with the heads of state, you have the opportunity to work closely with their leaders or representatives and with representatives of the institutions in the 54 African countries, as you said earlier.
Ambassador, what do the Africans in your sphere at the African Union expect in terms of the engagement or interests of the Canada you represent? What are their specific expectations in terms of mutually beneficial partnerships? Does our work here meet the expectations of the Africans in your sphere?
Mr. Diendéré: Thank you, senator. Thank you for your kind words about me and the entire team that I work with here.
As I said in my opening remarks, Global Affairs Canada has done some good work on the ground to find out what people expect from our next Africa strategy. My approach, and my ongoing plea, is to move away from our imaginary view of Africa. They have a plan entitled Agenda 2063, which includes seven pillars. These pillars include 54 projects ranging from infrastructure, to universities, to research and everything that they need. These pillars touch on the key areas that matter to them. These areas include agriculture, education, peace and security, along with global health issues.
The African Union has a plan. Partners such as Canada and other countries are starting to look at Agenda 2063. The African Union won’t stray from this agenda, which has been a long time in the making. We’re now in the second decade of its implementation. This agenda includes the continental free trade area. It’s one of the signature projects, but there are a number of other projects. Canada’s role would be to engage in interest-based projects in line with our means — since our country doesn’t have deep pockets — and to meet the expectations of the African people towards us. What do they want? Everyone born on this continent wants three things, such as security and electricity to be able to function. I’m in a country where the electricity could go off as we speak. The third thing is to eat at least once a day. I’m not talking about immigration, but about people’s simple desires.
The continent is moving forward. Some countries are doing well in certain areas. Yes, there are still conflicts here and there.
I’ll quickly get back to your question, senator. We must find a way to stop having an imaginary view of Africa. We must understand what people want and see what Canada can bring to the table as a country. We need to look at how to produce solar or hydroelectric energy, and we know all about these things. From an agricultural standpoint, we manage to survive even though we’re right next door to the United States. We know how agricultural chains work. We’ve managed to address animal and human health issues. We have expertise to contribute. I’m excited about what we can do with the Africa strategy. Agenda 2063 and Canada’s contribution will be an incredible mix.
The Chair: Thank you.
[English]
Senator Boniface: Thank you very much, ambassador, for joining us and for your enthusiasm for the work you’re doing. I’d like to zero in on peace and security in terms of Canada’s relationship. You, very clearly in your last answer, spoke about conflict areas.
As you know, without security, it’s very difficult for nations to be able to develop. Can you give me some specifics on what Canada is doing to meet the needs of the African Union in areas that are in conflict?
[Translation]
Mr. Diendéré: Thank you, senator. I’m quite enthusiastic about how our country can contribute to the African Union. I’ll give you some names that may ring a few bells. The Dallaire Institute is doing excellent work. The Elsie initiative is doing good work on women’s safety. We also have relationships with Canada’s ambassador for women, peace and security and the special envoy on women, peace and security. We support the work of Bineta Diop’s office.
On the ground, bilateral ambassadors support projects run by the Canada Fund for Local Initiatives, or CFLI. These projects support women in their entrepreneurial development, but their mandate is still tied to peace and security.
We’re currently marking the 16 days of activism against gender-based violence. Canada has a strong voice on this issue. Our ambassador is quite active and his programs heavily involve the peace and security teams. My colleague was recently in the north, in a conflict zone, for the demobilization. All this work is taking place in an area without any military bases on the continent, and so much the better. Our country doesn’t really have any military intelligence on the territory. The peace and security work carried out by the department and a number of our partners plays a significant role. As you know, there are currently between four and five million refugees in Sudan. This amounts to many people on the move at the same time.
Senator, I’ll tell you about one of the most significant things that I read when I arrived at this mission. I realized that this continent of 54 countries includes 16 landlocked countries. Every day, when a country wakes up, it has four or five neighbors around it and a good chance that two or three of them will be hostile.
When you and I wake up in Canada, we have the Arctic on one side, the Pacific Ocean and the Atlantic Ocean on the other two sides, and our neighbour to the south is the United States. For us, security is a non-issue. We wake up as Canadians and we do not fear for our lives or anything else. On a continent where the countries are landlocked and have no access to the sea but are in need of water, as soon as a conflict breaks out in one neighbouring country, it spills over into the next. It’s a constant balancing act.
I now have a lot of empathy for heads of state. I’m not talking about dictators. I’m not in favour of dictators, but I do empathize with heads of state who get up every day and see their borders moving like shifting sands.
What are we doing about peace and security? We’re doing a lot. I was delighted to recommend that Canada welcome Commissioner Bankole Adeoye, whom I’m sure you’ve met and who came to present peace and security activities. What would he like to see these days?
He wants military resources and people to accompany them on issues of mediation and transitional justice, and also people to help them bring peace to certain places where there are historical conflicts, but Canada is on the front line of this and we should be really proud of that.
[English]
Senator M. Deacon: Thank you so much for joining us with your data and your passion for the work that you’re doing. It will be interesting over time, with all the face-to-face meetings you are having, to see what you are measuring as success and how this all filters through. I have too many questions to ask, but I will start with one. Over the last 20-25 years, through my own work, I’ve gained respect for the Francophonie countries and the Commonwealth; I’ll call them blocks or groupings for now.
I’m trying to think about those two, in particular, and I wonder if we’re able to leverage those connections with the Francophonie countries and Commonwealth countries. Are there blocks we can speak to as one, based on these common backgrounds? Are there things that we can leverage further?
[Translation]
Mr. Diendéré: Thank you very much, senator. You have no idea how much I appreciate your question. My superiors will tell you that I pay close attention to the linguistic communities on the continent. I would add to your linguistic community Lusophony, the Portuguese-speaking countries. On the African continent, we have the Francophonie, the Commonwealth, Lusophony and the Arabic-speaking countries; they all rub shoulders.
Canada wears two hats, the Francophonie and the Commonwealth, which gives us an incredible advantage when we talk to our African partners. When I talk to Lusophony today, countries like Angola, Mozambique and others, they really admire Canada too. They know that we’re a country with a special attachment to regional blocs, and that we know how to function with these linguistic communities.
What can be done to improve things? Take only the Francophonie — some thirty countries, senator — we can conclude that, for any decision by the United Nations, there would be 30 votes that would bring us together and be there. What’s more, the power of this continent is growing over time, because there are countries that weren’t French-speaking before, but are now becoming French-speaking and joining the Francophonie. Canada therefore has a competitive advantage when it comes to the Francophonie. It also has one in terms of the Commonwealth for historical and other regions, not least, of course, because English is one of our official languages.
The other aspect that is somewhat neglected, in my opinion, is Lusophony. Behind the Portuguese-speaking world are Portugal and Brazil, the new big brothers of the African continent. I can assure you that Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva walks on water on the African continent. We understand that there is another voice, that of the southern hemisphere, coming from the BRICS countries, the G20 and the others. We in Canada cannot remain insensitive to the rise of the Portuguese language in all this. The first two are somewhat taken for granted for us, but we have to work very hard to strengthen the academic community in both languages, the business community in both languages and the research community in both languages, and push even further, I would say, to find . . . We may be the only ones who can work in both languages at the same time; Great Britain and France can’t do it.
[English]
Senator Coyle: Thank you very much for being with us, Ambassador Diendéré. This has been very useful.
You’ve spoken about other countries and groupings of countries that have missions at the African Union. One of the things we’re looking at here is Canada’s capacity, and I’m interested to know how our capacity — in terms of your office and our existing capacity now — compares to our counterparts from other countries. That’s the first question for you.
[Translation]
Mr. Diendéré: Thank you, senator. The issue of capacity keeps coming up, but I continue to think we’re small but mighty. I continue to think we use our resources in different ways too. I don’t consider myself part of a small team; yes, even though we are a team of five here, the Global Affairs Canada team at headquarters helps us. I rely on my team and that of my colleague Joshua Tabah, who is the ambassador to Ethiopia, Djibouti and soon Sudan.
Therefore, I’m supported by a network of entities. Perhaps that’s because I come from a business background; I know that small resources have to be taken and adapted to the masses, but it has to be done right. On the other hand, we will never say no to resources. For the growing relationship with the African Union, for the projects we’ve been keen to develop, including in terms of monitoring and accountability, and for the measures we’re in the process of taking, we will need resources, that’s obvious. However, I guess the question of resources is always a question of ability to pay.
[English]
Senator Coyle: I was really pleased to hear you speak about what Africans want and how what we have to do is listen to that and respond. You mentioned security and basic things like reliable electricity, food on the table, et cetera. How do those things, in your mind, align with what we’re currently engaged in, and what do we need to do to in any way shift what we’re doing to be more aligned so that we’re actually scratching where it itches?
[Translation]
Mr. Diendéré: Thank you for the question. It makes me smile, because since I took up my duties, I’ve seen everything we’ve done as a country in terms of development. We had a real development lens. In humanitarian matters, we were very good, we’re on the ground, everyone knew us and still knows us for that. We’re very good at development. What we haven’t done over time is realize that all this had to be turned into assistance, helping people learn to catch their own fish. I realize that our department — even the Canadian government and many countries . . . Canada is neither the first country nor the last; many countries are now realizing that we need to rethink our approach to countries and the way we help others. Africans don’t want us to help them. I’ve told you: If you talk about help in the street, you’ll get stoned. People don’t want help, they want capacity building. There are even technologies where that works.
As I speak to you, senator, Starlink is a satellite Internet provider for 16 countries on the continent. Those 16 countries didn’t have access to the Internet, and all of a sudden they’ve got access via satellite. Things are happening and we have to make our calculations. We have the means. We have the financial instruments to do it: We have FinDev, the Foreign Investment Promotion and Protection Agreement, or FIPA, and the African Development Bank, which has shareholding projects. We support the United Nations in the number of bilateral projects, and we contribute our investment through the UN for certain projects. Yes, we can do a lot and we need to refocus our efforts and advance our principles; we should then succeed.
The Chair: Thank you very much.
[English]
I would like to remind our visiting senators that you, too, have the right to ask a question if you wish to, just so you know.
Senator Woo: Thank you, ambassador, for your clear, eloquent and compelling description of what Canada can do in Africa and in the interests of Africans.
I wanted to ask you about the impending appointment of a special envoy to Africa and whether you have any thoughts on how this person could contribute to our deepening engagement with the countries and the continent as a whole in a way that’s different from what you do and what other representatives in Africa are doing.
[Translation]
Mr. Diendéré: Thank you, senator, for the question as well as for your comments about me. You know, we feel as though we invented the wheel. We didn’t invent it. We’re the last of the big countries like ours not to have a special envoy in Africa. The special envoy is the person who can get in where no one else can. It’s the person who can manage our regional communities and bridge disputes, because within the structure as we manage it at Global Affairs Canada, the ambassador on a territory is responsible for the institution on their territory.
In other words, the ambassador in Nigeria looks after ECOWAS, because it is headquartered there. The ambassador in Pretoria looks after the SADC, because that’s where it’s based. The ambassador in Ethiopia looks after Djibouti and the IGAD, because the IGAD is based there. Still, we lack a kind of spearhead for the whole.
Now, people also want a clear position and narrative. What does Canada think about such and such a subject, say, institutional reform? What is Canada’s position on reparations funding? Someone has to be able to give Canada’s position without it seeming like it’s being remotely guided. Basically, we know what we want and what we can contribute.
The special envoy will ensure better coordination. They will bring a clearer voice and represent us wherever they can. When people want to know Canada’s position, after a second high-level dialogue, we need to be able to express it.
Moreover, at home, so in Canada, the diasporas are waiting for us. They want us to do something. They’re looking for someone to talk to. They don’t want to constantly turn to the government machine, as they currently do. They want a clear interlocutor. With the diaspora, we need to devise a common strategy and focus on the common interest with Africa.
I think that’s a very good idea. As I said, we’re not the first. We’re a bit behind, but we need to do it with real coordination. In particular, the permanent observer to the African Union is going to manage a lot of things on this side. I can tell you that the entire African Union Commission will be changing next year. Someone will have to do some recruiting for the new commission when it starts up, because it will be there for at least eight years.
[English]
Senator Woo: It sounds like the special envoy should be both glue and lubricant, which I think is absolutely right.
My second question was whether there are other countries that have special envoys, but you’ve pointed out that not only do they have special envoys, but we’re the last or near the last to make this kind of appointment.
Do you have some examples of special envoys who are doing things in a particularly creative and effective way? You don’t have to mention the countries, but can we learn from being last or being late?
[Translation]
The Chair: In 30 seconds, please, ambassador.
Mr. Diendéré: Thank you for the question. Yes, there are lessons to be learned from what others have done, for example, during the conflicts in Somalia and Sudan. The work of the special envoys is very important, because they hold the strings of discussions between the different countries. The Sahel is another place where special envoys are working to hold discussions, because the African Union has a bit too much on its hands.
The Chair: Thank you.
[English]
This brings us to the end of the first round, but I’d like to ask a question. Ambassador, you won’t be surprised at all at the question. You mentioned in your preliminary remarks that Canada will be hosting and chairing the G7 process starting in January, leading to a summit. As you know, there is a long tradition of Canada championing various initiatives on the African continent, and our last time around was no different.
You also mentioned that South Africa will be chairing the G20. This provides a very unique opportunity for coordination that can go into different areas than the more traditional aid development approach. Do you have any additional comments on that?
[Translation]
Mr. Diendéré: Mr. Chair, I recognize your former duties as deputy minister and in international aid matters.
I will not be responsible for Canada’s role in the G7. I believe that this decision must come from higher up, namely whether to invite the African Union and South Africa. Once a decision is made, we’ll have to ask ourselves what we want to contribute when we assume the presidency of the G7. I believe the department is looking into the matter, but it will be up to Canada to decide once the African Union has been invited to join the G7 meeting. Italy and other countries have done it, so I don’t see why we wouldn’t. That’s what I’m hoping for, because, as you mentioned, it aligns very well with the objectives in relation to South Africa.
I would add that COP30 will be held in Belém, Brazil. Topics such as climate resilience, education and peace and security issues are of interest to us. We’d be a bit out of our depth if Africa wasn’t invited. That’s what I’d like, but it’s not up to me.
The Chair: Thank you very much for your very diplomatic response.
Senator Gerba: Senator Woo and Mr. Chair asked the questions I had in mind. Ambassador Diendéré, you mentioned Canada’s involvement in several areas. Our report will certainly come out after Canada releases its strategy for Africa, which will still be prior to the G7 meeting — Mr. Chair alluded to that. Given your expertise in communications, public relations and business, if you had one specific recommendation to make for this report we are preparing, which will focus on Canada’s long-term interests and commitments in Africa, what would it be?
Mr. Diendéré: Thank you, senator, for taking me back to my communications background. Context is everything in a report like the one you’re going to release. In my discussions, I’ve heard that it will happen around springtime. In the spring, the African Union Commission will have changed its chairperson and six new commissioners will have arrived. Between now and springtime, at least five elections will be held in Africa. Things are therefore moving very quickly. In January, as I said, the African Union will begin discussions for its summit in February. In January, the new President of the United States will take office. The meetings scheduled for the World Bank, the IMF and others will be held elsewhere. Your report will have to take many things into account. My only wish is that your report is still relevant when you release it.
The House of Commons report came out on November 7 and contained some recommendations. By the time your report is released, the Africa strategy will certainly be known. I’m not saying anything new here, because we’re working on producing it.
To remain relevant, at this stage, the recommendations would have to be policy driving. Policies must not be out of step with the timing of the report’s release. Six months is a long time in the life of a country and a continent. Since I arrived here, the war in Gaza has broken out, we’re talking about the conflict between Israel and Hamas and the situation in Lebanon, and Sudan has disintegrated. I’ve seen a lot.
If you’re asking my opinion on communications, there needs to be consistency in recommendations. Let’s stop looking at things in the short term. Let’s look a little further ahead than the time the African Union and the commission give themselves for these things. We’re talking about 5 or 10 years. That’s how we’ll get things done.
Senator Gerba, you are a businesswoman, so you’ve been there. You have to sow a seed — that’s peasant wisdom — watch it grow and encourage it to grow. You have to get into that dynamic. China didn’t get to where it is today with Africa all of a sudden. Its success represents 25 years of work, and that includes the other countries.
When your report comes out, it has to take into account the context in which it will come out; it will need consistency — I repeat — and a sense of time, as well as medium- and long-term elements, because the short term, we can live with. That’s my advice.
The Chair: Thank you, Mr. Ambassador. Time is up for this question.
[English]
Senator Boniface: Thank you very much, Ambassador. I’m going to take you back to security.
I’m particularly interested if Canada has any direct funding or role in development in the post-conflict countries? I’m thinking of West Africa. As you know, forces from the outside, for a number of years, were transiting drugs through West Africa and up to the European Union, or EU. I know the European Union was involved in supporting projects and developing police agencies and other methods.
Can you tell me if Canada is engaged in that, and, if they’re not, what countries do you see leading that type of thing to help not create environments where the underground economy is bigger than the economy?
[Translation]
Mr. Diendéré: For questions of peace and security, there could be more precise answers. The department could provide more precise answers, but in my opinion, especially in the western zone you just mentioned, it’s an area of immense tension. I don’t know how to explain it to you. Between the three amigos, as I call them, Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger, who are obliged to withdraw from ECOWAS, everyone is trying to hold the pot at the same time. Of course, Canada is still on the ground. We’re still working with these institutions, despite everything that’s going on politically and economically. Yes, we do mediation work; yes, we do post-conflict work. In their case, it’s not even conflicts between countries, but internal conflicts with terrorist movements developing at breakneck speed. It’s a bit sad.
Our country can’t do everything; Canada won’t be able to do everything for peace and security. What Canada can do, however, it will do very well. We are working for transitional justice, disarmament and justice for women. When violence breaks out in a country, the first victims are women and children. We always think it’s the military who die on the battlefield, but there are those at home, who have suddenly become widows, widowers or orphans, or who are disabled because a bomb fell on them and they didn’t see it coming.
The department could give you more information on some specific things in terms of peace and security. What I can tell you is that we have nothing to be ashamed of in terms of our intervention in peace and security on the African continent at the moment.
[English]
Senator M. Deacon: Thank you for that. I’m going to carry on a little bit from my last question, but this comes on the heels of spending some time last week with The Canada-Africa Chamber of Business, which has some voracious partnerships in business, and the message from yesterday that we received was that we’re a few decades behind, and Canada needs to get moving. It comes on the heels of that and trying to better understand, as you said, the largest continent with the most countries.
I’m looking at power dynamics and leadership in Africa. If you look at the EU, you have core countries like Germany and France which have a tremendous amount of influence. The AU is not the EU, but I can’t help but wonder if there are groupings of nations within the AU that have taken the reins in deepening ties and can be seen as leaders within the continent, particularly in peace and security and in business development.
Are there specific nations that Canada finds itself engaging with the most in the AU, and what are we missing?
[Translation]
Mr. Diendéré: When it comes to influence, Canadians have a head start. I don’t think we say that enough. We have a head start in terms of influence, because we haven’t colonized anyone. Here, issues of colonization and decolonization have become central.
For all issues of peace and security, the European Union is perhaps the largest donor of funds, but the ambassador and the few member countries of the European Union work a lot with Canada to advance initiatives relating to the African Union. I attended two or three meetings with Mr. Bankole’s team on peace and security just 48 hours ago. We’re in the process of reviewing conflict resolution and election mechanisms. Yes, the European Union gives a lot of money, I agree with you. There are things to learn from their involvement, but we have nothing to be ashamed of, because the European Union comes with its own baggage of former countries that had an influence on the continent and are much criticized today in terms of leadership.
[English]
Senator Harder: Ambassador, in your remarks you referenced the African diaspora in Canada. I want to explore that a bit in the sense that often diasporas are referenced by their country, not by their continent, and you’ve referenced it by continent.
Am I seeing an opportunity in your suggestion that the diaspora itself can be an instrument of pan-African effort that Canada could link with, or is this just a romantic notion on your part, and ought we focus on the diaspora linkage to the nation state?
[Translation]
Mr. Diendéré: Thank you, senator. You’ve discovered something: I’m a romantic by nature. The diaspora, as it’s called by the African Union, is considered the sixth region. It is considered a fundamental element of Agenda 2063. The diaspora is seen by the African Union as the improvement of people’s civic life conditions. There’s also the foreign diaspora, those who are economically active abroad and who bring things to the table.
They have a great plan. The CIDO group, the Citizens and Diaspora Directorate, which is the part of the African Union that deals with diaspora issues, supports countries that want to work with their diaspora. In Rwanda today, there’s someone in the department responsible for the diaspora, whether economic or otherwise. There’s someone who’s now responsible for investments or things they can bring in from abroad. In the case of Canada, there are 1.4 million second- or first-generation Afrodescendants who consider themselves as such. That’s a lot of people. That’s almost three cities in Quebec put together.
As people always say, the Canadian diaspora is highly educated. They have degrees and want to contribute something to the continent. It’s up to us to find the right mechanism to foster all this. There are a lot of associations, I admit. There are several people involved in the discussion, but we haven’t yet taken a global decision on how to use our diaspora. In January, I’m hosting a group of about ten Afrodescendants, the Black Wealth Club, who are coming to meet business people, young people like themselves, to mentor them, see who they can help and even see if they can do business here. This isn’t the first group; I’ve also had Afrodescendant businesswomen come and meet people. It’s happening. We have to use our diaspora in the right way. I’m confident we’ll find a Canadian-style mechanism for doing so. The Americans have found something in their AGOA program with their diaspora. They did the same thing with the American parliamentary community. Canada will find its own way, as we know so well how to do. We’re creative people.
[English]
Senator Harder: Senator Woo has a proposal that we examine the Canadian diaspora. Maybe we can learn from the AU.
The Chair: Thank you very much. We’ve come to the end of this meeting.
I wanted to thank Ambassador Diendéré on behalf of the committee for enriching us with his knowledge and infecting us with his enthusiasm, as well.
This meeting, of course, was recorded. I know there are public servants who are watching the hearing, and all I can say, Ambassador, is that you have given a master class on how to be a government witness. Congratulations on that. Continue the fine job you are in Addis Ababa. We are all very grateful that the electricity did not go out and we could have this meeting, because it felt to us like you were right in the room with us. Thank you very much and good luck.
Mr. Diendéré: Thank you very much.
The Chair: Colleagues, for our second panel, we have the pleasure of welcoming from the National Democratic Institute in Washington, D.C., Christopher Fomunyoh, who is the Senior Associate for Africa and Senior Advisor to the President; and from the Canadian Foodgrains Bank, Barbra Chimhandamba, Public Policy Advisor. Welcome to you both to the committee, and thank you for taking the time to be with us today. We’re ready to hear your opening remarks, which will be followed by questions from senators and your answers.
Christopher Fomunyoh, Senior Associate for Africa and Senior Advisor to the President, National Democratic Institute: Mr. Chair, deputy chair and highly esteemed members of the Senate committee, I want to thank you for inviting me to appear before you today to contribute to your deliberations on Canada’s interests and engagement in Africa. I did submit written remarks for the record, so I will be brief in my comments.
I structured my presentation in three parts. The first is why Africa matters. In terms of its people, Africa today has 1.5 billion people and is the youngest and fastest-growing population in the world. The United Nations estimates that by 2050 — in two short decades — that population will climb to 2.5 billion people, which will represent 28% of the world’s population.
On Africa’s land and resources, Africa is also rich in natural resources, as it holds 65% of the world’s arable land and 30% of the world’s mineral reserves, including high percentages of chromium, platinum and gold. At the same time, Africa is disproportionately affected by climate change, with temperatures rising at a higher rate than the global average. Desertification and increasingly variable rain patterns cause drought, food insecurity and sometimes fuel violent inter-communal conflicts.
Africa matters because of its embrace of democracy. In a global context, where there has been significant backsliding in the democratic space, support for democracy remains strong in Africa. Research and country surveys by the well-respected Afrobarometer show that two thirds of all Africans prefer democracy to any other form of governance, with large majorities rejecting one-man rule, one-party rule and military rule. However, the surveys also captured deepening citizen dissatisfaction with democratic performance by political elites.
Secondly, what are the top three current challenges facing the continent? The first is insecurity. Many African countries still experience armed conflicts and violence fuelled either by excessive internal polarization or by the presence or influence of external state and non-state actors, such as jihadist extremists in the Sahel and Al-Shabaab in the Horn of Africa. Today, the armed conflict in Sudan, now in its second year, is generating the highest number of internally displaced people in the world, so far estimated at 11 million, 3 million of whom are refugees, with 61,000 estimated deaths.
The second challenge is illiberal influences. In an eerie reminder of the end of the Cold War era, today’s Africa is witnessing the very aggressive engagement of non-democratic powers such as Russia, China and others from the Middle East, all propagating the false narrative that democracy is a Western construct that fits neither the continent’s development needs nor its traditional culture and way of life. Unfortunately, these external actors find accomplices in resurfacing military juntas and a handful of African intellectuals who advocate and seek to shift public opinion in favour of an Africa that isolates itself from the rest of the world except for Russia and China.
The third challenge is weak democratic institutions. Though support for democracy remains strong in Africa, the proportion of citizens who consider their country democratic has declined between 2011 and 2023. According to Afrobarometer, the decline can be explained by deteriorating political and economic conditions, flawed electoral processes, weak adherence to the rule of law and perceived corruption.
Let me conclude by talking about opportunities and recommendations for Canada. Canada possesses valuable foreign policy, economic and cultural assets that should be leveraged to do more to support democratic governance as a cross-cutting ingredient for development in Africa. Canada does not have the same historical baggage as a number of other Western countries.
Additionally, Canada has a wealth of expertise and experience in all of the sectors being discussed today and must not be shy in developing meaningful and long-lasting partnerships with Africans in civil society, progressive-minded governments and other transformative institutions and actors on the continent.
I do have a couple of more specific policy recommendations, and I’ll just conclude by saying that powerful and influential countries such as Canada must redouble efforts to ensure that a significant swath of Africa that spans all the way from the Atlantic Ocean state of Mauritania through Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, Chad, Sudan, Ethiopia and Somalia into the Indian Ocean doesn’t fall into further decay and degenerate into chaos and statelessness, which would erase or undermine other positive contributions that Africa could make to global development, peace and prosperity.
I thank you for your time and look forward to your questions.
The Chair: Thank you very much. Ms. Chimhandamba, please.
Barbra Chimhandamba, Public Policy Advisor, Canadian Foodgrains Bank: Thank you for this opportunity to contribute to this important subject of Canada’s interests and engagement in Africa.
As a network of 15 Canadian church-based relief and development agencies, Canadian Foodgrains Bank delivers food to people in humanitarian crises and supports farmers to adapt their farming practices to the changing climate in order to build sustainable food security for the future.
Take Selina, a 26-year-old single mother of three who lives in Turkana, Kenya. Previously, her family was going for days without food, but through agricultural training offered by a partner of Canadian Foodgrains Bank, with funding from Global Affairs Canada, Selina started a garden to feed her family and joined a group farm where they grew and sold high-value crops on the local market. She invested in a village loan-and-saving scheme, saved enough to buy a motorcycle and started a taxi business. She also went back to school to train as a livestock extension officer and has become a leader in her community.
This story is just one example of how investing in food security is vital for providing employment and sustainable livelihoods in Africa. Such investments promote economic growth and entrepreneurship and build resilience in the face of uncertainty.
Foodgrains Bank is working in the context where 158 million people in sub-Saharan Africa are facing acute hunger and 30 million people were acutely malnourished in 2023.
Previous witnesses before this committee have noted Africa’s increased recognition as a region of opportunity and growth. Now is the time for Canada to be part of the “Africa rising” story. In the spirit of Ubuntu, Africa and Canada can rise together.
Speaking before this committee back in May, Dr. Ann Fitz-Gerald of the Balsillie School of International Affairs said, “When we think about Africa, we should think about trusted partnerships . . . .” I totally agree. Canada’s relationship with Africa must be built on trust and mutual respect, even when there is a difference of opinion and interests. Recognizing that past approaches to cooperation have often been donor-driven and skewed in favour of the donors, the African Union’s new partnership strategy seeks to tailor partnerships to the needs of Africa, as well as the partners’ comparative advantage.
Canada recognizes the centrality of the African Union in its engagement with the continent, as demonstrated by the setting up of an observer mission to the AU, whose ambassador just spoke here. I also agree with other witnesses who have pointed to the AU’s Agenda 2063 as the blueprint that should guide Canada’s engagement with Africa.
I have three recommendations:
Canada is known for good governance. Promotion of good governance has been a priority of our international development assistance and should be again. Ongoing work on gender equality, peacebuilding and strengthening civil society contributes to engaged and enabled populations able to manage internal differences and work together to achieve progress in society. Good governance creates an environment that invites trade and investment and builds stability and peace.
Secondly, Canada is committed to diversifying its trade relations, and Africa offers multiple untapped opportunities. The AU is equally keen to build and diversify the continent’s international partnerships based on mutual benefits. Expanding trade with the continent will not only support Africa’s economic development but also help Canada achieve its goal of trade diversification. The trade mission to Africa that was announced in Toronto recently by Minister Ng is a good start.
Finally, we need a comprehensive and strategic humanitarian assistance and development plan. In tackling foreign policy, we need to take account of three Ds and T: diplomacy, defence, development and trade. Development is a critical element of this matrix and must be considered at the same level as the other three. We cannot ignore the growing humanitarian and development needs on the continent given the significant number of people who are acutely food-insecure in sub-Saharan Africa and the Sahel. Without food security and development, the other Ds and T are at risk.
Through close dialogue with the AU, Canada should work to support AU initiatives and priorities to find African solutions to African problems.
Thank you for your attention. I look forward to the discussion ahead.
The Chair: Thank you very much. Senators, we’ll go right into questions, four minutes as usual. Please keep your preambles short and your questions concise.
Senator MacDonald: Mr. Fomunyoh, I’ll direct my first question to you. The Africa Center for Strategic Studies argues that undermining democracy in Africa has been a strategic objective of Russia’s Africa policy for two decades. According to the centre, Russia had interfered to undercut democracy in Africa using disinformation in 22 countries, electoral interference in 18 countries and by supporting extra-constitutional claims on power in 15 countries.
How do you view the international community’s response to these threats? What more can be done to counteract these Russian efforts? Do you believe the existing strategies are sufficient, or should we be exploring new approaches to safeguard African democracy and governance?
Mr. Fomunyoh: Thank you very much, senator, for that question. I agree with the study and the report that was put out by the African Center for Strategic Studies. I happen to be an adjunct faculty at that centre for many years.
For many decades, especially in the past two to three decades, as we saw very positive democratic transitions on the African continent, a lot of us who were working in that space and a lot of international partners who had invested in supporting democratic movements on the continent became a little complacent. We assumed that democracy had taken hold and that everyone had embraced it.
What we now see is a determined, concerted, very aggressive effort by non-democratic countries — Russia in the lead — to undermine the gains that had been made over the past two or three decades. We see that through the sponsorship of mercenaries that undermine security and create insecurity in those countries. We also see that through the false narratives, the disinformation and misinformation that are being put out that undermine democratic institutions.
I think the current strategies are not sufficient. They’ve probably been overtaken by time and by events. Russia and other forces, non-democratic forces, are tapping into a wave of disaffection that the youth, for example, have with their governments. That’s why when there are military coups, in the first few hours you see a lot of jubilation by the young people — because they no longer identify with the political elites of the time. We need to redouble our efforts and also increase and enhance the support in a more overt way because we can no longer be timid about our support for democratic governments. Thank you.
Senator MacDonald: What would be a first step to increase the ability to stop the Russian disinformation? Is there a technological need broadly across Africa that should be addressed?
Mr. Fomunyoh: I think that there is a technological need, but there are also already, in a number of countries, citizen organizations, for example, media organizations, that are sensitized to the issue and that are demanding their capacity to be enhanced, built and strengthened, for their networks to be strengthened so they can begin to identify these false narratives and expose them for what they are.
The National Democratic Institute, or NDI, experimented with a program in Ivory Coast where we went to the university and had an open competition with the students to design applications that could help them identify fake news. It was a very exciting project, and one of the local teams that won within the university developed an app that became socialized or popularized in Ivory Coast. Through the utilization of this app, people were able to identify fake news for themselves, and that kind of diminished the amount of disinformation circulating around the country.
The Chair: Thank you very much.
[Translation]
Senator Gerba: Thank you to our witnesses for being here today.
The state of global governance is very uneven across the continent. You mentioned that. This surely reflects its very diverse nature. In your opinion, what approach should Canada take to more effectively promote these standards of good governance in African countries, without falling into a paternalistic posture?
Mr. Fomunyoh: Thank you, Madam Senator, for your question, which is very pertinent. It’s the debate of the day. There is a renewed sense of pan-Africanism, which in some areas is welcomed, but in others is interpreted as a rejection of anything that is not African. We need to be sensitive to this sentiment to be effective in the partnerships we can develop in the various African countries.
As I said in my introductory remarks, Canada has the advantage of not carrying any colonial baggage, for example, because it has never had a colony in Africa. There is no cultural block in the interactions between Canada and various players on the continent. I think the useful approach would be to identify partners who are already fighting for the same principles: women’s associations, lawyers’ associations, members of civil society. We see young people who are interested in politics, but who lack guidance. If we can identify these groups of partners, I think that by working with them, we can have very good results, especially by supporting them subtly, without lecturing them.
Senator Gerba: Thank you.
[English]
Ms. Chimhandamba: Thank you, senator, for that very important question. As I said in my opening remarks, it’s important for Canada to have a relationship of respect with the African continent, and once that is established, Canada is very well positioned to assist Africa on governance issues. For example, my organization works with local partners. Canadian Foodgrains Bank and its members work with locally based partners who know the needs on the ground and understand the issues. When we go in, we’re not going in as people who know everything; we are going in with a listening ear to understand what our local partners are saying.
What is important is for Canada to not be preaching to Africa, and there is certainly a way of doing things that is quite clear and is not preaching. I believe that locally based civil society organizations are able to assist organizations such as my own to understand the local context and to be able to influence without being paternalistic or condescending.
Senator M. Deacon: Thank you both for being here today. I want to carry on from what you’ve just said. We’ve heard through our hearings and through some formal and informal conversation that our relationship with Africa, as you’ve just said, needs to be less patronizing and more respectful, and we can hurt our standing when we try to lecture or try to tie our assistance to social issues. I have two things for each of you.
First, you talk about your organization dealing directly with people on the ground. You are their voice here at this table, quite frankly. I want to know if there’s anything else that you wish to share with us that gives us a better perspective of what the people are telling you on the ground that we need to know to help us improve and respect this reciprocal relationship.
Ms. Chimhandamba: Thank you for that question, senator. Our partners on the ground understand that, yes, we are seen as a benefactor, as a donor, because we do support their projects in Africa. But at the same time, when we go in, we go in not with the language of helping; we are walking alongside our partners. For example, we have a newly instituted program called Nature+, which is being carried out in four countries — Ethiopia, Kenya, Mozambique and Zimbabwe — and it is a project to rehabilitate landscape, the land that has been degraded over the years. It is also a program to improve yields by adopting conservation agriculture, which is something that works well in those contexts where people are resorting to nature-based solutions.
What we do is listen to local knowledge. We understand that the people we are walking alongside are people with agency. They are people who may lack the financial resources that we are able to bring on board, but they are people who are knowledgeable. We are not going in as a partner who is imposing ourselves or imposing our ideas on them. We are certainly listening to them, but also bringing in the expertise that we have as well.
Senator M. Deacon: Thank you, I appreciate that.
The other part of this is navigating and finding out how to do this work while still advocating for social justice. I come to you, and I look at the very difficult laws that were passed that target LGBTQ+ rights in countries like Mali and Ghana. How do we thread this needle of not trying to dictate terms while also not abandoning the fight for these rights in other countries?
Mr. Fomunyoh: Thank you, senator. It’s a very tough dilemma that we all have to grapple with because the people whose rights are being trampled upon are also asking for our assistance. I think the key, really, is to work through local organizations because in many countries, whether it’s Ghana or Uganda, where there is even the death penalty on the books, people are already very organized, and all they need is the support to be able to sustain their networks to continue to advocate for their rights. It’s a fine line to walk, but I think it’s a line that Canada can walk very well.
What I am also bringing to the committee is the need to recognize that I’ve been working in this space for the past two and a half to three decades, and I have seen an evolution in the way in which Canada has become a little more forward-leaning, and it’s already doing some of the things we’re asking just more of.
For example, with Global Affairs Canada, NDI recently partnered to undertake a program to curb disinformation across four West African countries that were on the eve of national elections. We know that elections tend to generate a lot emotions, and it’s always around elections that powers and non-democratic forces try to infiltrate the space and dilute the discourse about democracy and democratic practices.
Global Affairs Canada was able to partner with NDI. We, then, brought to the table a network of local organizations, and in each one of these countries — Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Liberia, the Gambia — we were able to work with local groups to set up committees that could fact-check in real time incidents that were polarizing the political discourse to be able to check in real time and report to the public —
The Chair: Thank you, Mr. Fomunyoh. Sorry I’m interrupting, but we’re over time in that particular segment.
Senator Coyle: I have a question for each of you, so hopefully we can get to them.
Mr. Fomunyoh, the first question is for you. I have known of NDI’s work in Haiti, in particular, actually, and it is very important work. Both of you have mentioned work with civil society, work at national-level government and the importance of good governance.
I’m curious about the subnational level — be it provincial, state or municipal government levels — and whether you’ve seen situations where support at the subnational level helps to build the democratic capacity that can then be imported at that national level. Anyway, I’m just curious about that.
Mr. Fomunyoh: Thank you very much, senator. That’s an excellent question, and I have an example that we can all relate to, which is what happened in Senegal. Today, Senegal is being portrayed as one of the leading democracies in West Africa. At the National Assembly, so at the national level, representation of women in parliament is around 45%, which is pretty high and pretty good, but we have to remind ourselves that it wasn’t the case two decades ago.
In 2002, NDI worked with the Senegalese to identify women who wanted to run for local office — as local councillors, as mayors and as deputy mayors. We trained over 8,000 Senegalese women to run for those elections at the local levels, in their municipalities, because people knew them and they appreciated them. Over 4,000 of those women got elected at the local level.
Fast-forward to two decades later, and those are the women who have now garnered the experience and who are able to run for office at the national level and win and govern at the national level. Those investments at the local level do generally pay off if they’re sustained for the duration.
Thank you.
Senator Coyle: Thank you. I think it’s important. We often forget to talk about the subnational level.
Thank you for being here, Ms. Chimhandamba. You talked about the importance of good governance, trade, peace, et cetera, and I believe the last thing you said was that without a solid humanitarian and development situation, those other things are at risk. Could you speak a little bit more about that relationship?
Ms. Chimhandamba: Thank you, senator.
Yes. Diplomacy is what we have seen happen between Africa and Canada in terms of high-level dialogues happening. Defence, again, is critical, but at the same time, without development — because development addresses issues at the grassroots level. With development, we are working with people to ensure that we are addressing what we refer to in the sector as “small ‘p’,” that there is peace in the households.
Some of our projects, apart from addressing just food security, are also addressing conflicts in the home, conflicts in communities that are caused by resources being scarce. For example, part of our Nature+ program is addressing issues of conflict that have been brought about by lack of water, for example. We recently had a delegation in Ottawa from Zimbabwe that talked about the lack of water having caused conflict in the community, because the streams are drying up, and the villages are all scrambling for the little resources that are available.
When we ensure that there are enough resources for the people we are serving and our program addresses the landscape, international development ensures that we have an enabled population, that underprivileged people are served and that we build self-sufficient communities, which then ensures that if people are well fed and food-secure, that actually reduces the propensity for conflict.
The Chair: Thank you very much.
Senator Boniface: Thank you very much for being here, and thank you for the information. My first question was, actually, the very excellent question that Senator Coyle asked around local government development.
I’ll move to the second question. Ms. Chimhandamba, in your humanitarian assistance, when you list it out, one of them was defence. I wonder if you could drill down a little bit on that, because I’m interested how that fits under the humanitarian assistance.
Ms. Chimhandamba: Thank you for that question.
Defence is a different arm of foreign policy. We are saying that if we do not tackle development on the same scale as the attention we are giving to defence, diplomacy and trade, then we are not doing justice to the communities we are serving.
We should also have a very focused plan to ensure that there is humanitarian assistance, especially in areas where conflict has broken out. I think of areas like Sudan, which currently is the worst humanitarian crisis in the world.
So developing humanitarian programs in those cases is necessary to address the humanitarian situation, but there is also a need to go further. We have what we call the Humanitarian, Early Recovery and Development program, which not only addresses the humanitarian factor but also goes further to address the longer-term development needs of the community to ensure that after the crisis is over, community is able to continue to be self-sustaining.
Senator Boniface: I wanted to shift. Either one of you can answer because I want to follow up on the impacts of climate change and how that’s impacting local levels of water, for example. I wonder if you can tell me about the work you’re doing and what you’re seeing in terms of climate change and how that is having an impact on stability at the local level.
Ms. Chimhandamba: Climate change is one of the main causes of food insecurity. In the places where we work — again, I refer to our newest program, the Nature+ program — one of the causes of the conflict in those areas is climate change. In the case of Zimbabwe, which is my country of birth, the region we are serving, Chimanimani, was affected by Cyclone Idai in 2019, and the landscape was devastated. As a result, even arable land has become an issue. We are rehabilitating land so it becomes arable again and ensuring that the resources that are there are shared and the community is able to move from the position of being a vulnerable community to a self-sustaining community.
Climate change is the cause of —
The Chair: Thank you very much.
Senator Harder: Thank you to our guests. I wanted to drill down a little bit on the references to trusted partnerships that you’ve made. I have no doubt that the Canadian Foodgrains Bank and NDI are themselves trusted partners. How do you find the trusted partners with whom you work, and is capacity on your part or on your trusted partners’ part a limitation on the work that you’re able to do?
In other words, if we had the capacity, could we grow what the Canadian Foodgrains Bank is able to do and be even more effective than it is, or is it limited by our capacity or the capacity to find trusted partners in the areas that you’re working in? Same with NDI.
I can assume that some governments wouldn’t necessarily view you as a trusted partner, so your definition of “trusted partner” is definitional in the sense of “like-mindeds” with whom you are working. I would like each of you to comment on the characteristics and capacities of trusted partners.
Ms. Chimhandamba: Thank you for that question, Senator Harder. We are not in lack of trusted partners on the continent, and what we need as an organization is more funding, not just for the organization but for the whole sector. We don’t advocate for funding only for ourselves but for the whole international development sector, because this is a sector that does so much. We believe that for Canada to do well, we need to invest in international development. That was my final recommendation — that there needs to be a strategic plan to ensure that there is continued international development assistance that is rendered.
As an organization, Canadian Foodgrains Bank relies on and is grateful for the funding it has received since its inception. It has received funding from the Government of Canada, and it also receives funding from the generous Canadian public. We have 200 growing farming projects across the country, and we get funding from there and from generous individuals who believe in the work that we do. But there is always a need for more.
I would not say there is no capacity on the part of our partners on the continent. Our members are very good at identifying local partners who have the capacity to carry out the projects that they themselves actually identify. We do not identify projects, but our partners in the areas where we work are the ones who identify areas, gaps in their communities and societies where they need assistance, and we go in to partner along with them.
Mr. Fomunyoh: Thank you very much, senator. I’ll just say that trust can never be taken for granted. Organizations and partners have to earn the trust of the people. When they see the transparency with which you conduct your activities, the openness about what you’re doing in a specific country and the partners you’re working with, and when they see the results and the positive impact of your work in their countries, then the partnerships become very natural.
This is also very dependent on relationships that have been built over time. Of course, people watch, they monitor, and they keep track, and when they come to the conclusion on their own that your services are beneficial to their country, that you’re helping build peace, solidify peace, that you’re helping create avenues for parties to meet — there are countries where opposition parties do not talk to ruling parties and vice versa, so when an organization like NDI comes and is able to talk to everyone and get everyone in the same room, they realize they have more in common than what separates them. People value that.
The key is developing those relationships, earning the trust of the people and then seeking complementarity. Because if you can build synergies between the capacities that already exist locally and the expertise that comes from organizations like NDI, then you have a good match which amplifies the work that can be done in a country. We’ve done that. Whether it’s election monitoring or peer-to-peer learning among legislators, those are things that have had impact in the countries where we work.
Senator Woo: My question is for Mr. Fomunyoh. You’ve mentioned and others have mentioned already that there is some democratic backsliding in Africa. In fact, there are some harsh reversals of democracy. How should Western countries, particularly Canada and, in your case, the United States, work with countries that are not deemed to be democratic or democratic enough? Apart from helping them improve democracy, what should we be doing in terms of material aid, humanitarian support, building infrastructure, building schools and all of the basic economic stuff that it seems to me Africans want?
Mr. Fomunyoh: Thank you very much, senator. I would admit that it’s a policy dilemma in dealing with those governments that are not open to democratic governance because we always have to keep in mind that those countries are a minority of the 54 countries that are on the African continent. What do you do with those regimes? If it’s seen as providing legitimacy to their processes, you could be perceived as inciting other countries to go down that path. One has to be very mindful of that.
My recommendation would be to find like-minded local partners who are committed to the same principles. The beauty of what I said is that some of the surveys show that even in the coup countries, there are still people who believe in accountability, transparency, inclusion and opportunities for women and youth. Even in the countries that have draconian laws on the books on LGBT issues, there are people who believe in progressive causes, and those should be the partners because it reinforces the principles and the values that you hold dear and that people have come to recognize you for.
I don’t think any Western country could think of “out-Russia-ing” Russia. You can’t outmanœuvre them in their field of work. It’s important to stay in our lane and enhance the community that believes in the values to which we aspire. The beauty of it is that the Africa of today is not the Africa of the 1980s, when some of us started working in this space, and there are people out there who are still fighting the good fight, and those people deserve our support. Thank you.
Senator Woo: That makes a lot of sense. Would it also apply to military involvement, setting up military bases and so on? Would you say that Western powers — Canada is not one of those powers — should not be entering into military partnerships or bases in African countries that have dodgy records on democracy?
Mr. Fomunyoh: Thank you, senator. Niger is a country that is dear to my heart because at a certain point we all thought that Niger was an emerging democracy. It had a lot of promise. It had a leadership that was committed, and then the coup happened.
There are two things I would say to that very briefly, Mr. Chair. One is that what Ms. Chimhandamba said about development being on the table is significant, because what we now see in the Sahel is that there was an overemphasis on defence, military cooperation and kinetic approaches to violent extremism, and development fell by the wayside. So, while there was some progress made on the kinetic military approach, communities were feeling disaffected from the state, especially in the ungoverned spaces, which now have all been invaded by the extremists. We have to be careful about that.
The point about military bases is that it’s a very sensitive issue. I’m not a military expert, but the concept of having bases in other countries is outdated because there is enough capacity in the military sector to be able to project strength without necessarily having boots on the ground in a country in a way that would rub citizens the wrong way. Fortunately, Canada has never fallen into that trap. Please don’t even think of going there, but I think that keeping development and democracy on the table, even when one engages with regimes that are unconstitutional, may help them get back on the path of transition, which is everyone’s hope — that they will transition back to civilian rule, where there will be more accountability for the resources that they get from partners. Thank you.
[Translation]
Senator Youance: My question will be short, because we touched on the military side with Senator Woo’s question. I’d like to agree with Ms. Chimhandamba on the recommendation that Canada should make to ensure parity between humanitarian and military spending.
My question will concern humanitarian spending. Where do you think Canada could be most effective? We can look at certain dimensions, like Canada in terms of population versus Africa. Are there regions where Canada should concentrate its efforts to be more effective? The second part of my question concerns the African diaspora. We’ve talked more about an African diaspora than about specific countries. To what extent does this diaspora constitute an inescapable force that Canada should consult in the choice of humanitarian interventions it should make?
[English]
Ms. Chimhandamba: Thank you, senator, for that question. For the first part, when you asked if there are regions Canada should focus on in order to be most effective, I would say that Canada should engage with the African Union because I do not see there being a capacity in Canada to engage with all 54 countries on the continent. The African Union is an institution that Canada can use to make an impact on the continent, because all the countries on the continent are represented in the African Union, and it is an institution that is becoming increasingly important and powerful, speaking with one voice, whether it’s at the UN or at any other regional organization.
I wouldn’t say, “This is the country where Canada should go, where it would be most effective.” I would say the African Union is the path that Canada could use to be most effective in engaging with the continent.
Secondly, as to the African diaspora, it is very important, and as Ambassador Diendéré mentioned, it is regarded by the African Union as the sixth region. Canada has a significant number of people of African origin. Some statistics put it at 1.4 million Canadians, and that’s an untapped resource that Canada can use to engage. They understand the context on the continent. They still have strong ties to the continent. All of us here have family there, myself included. I have family in Zimbabwe. It is a very important resource that could be used by Canada to engage with the continent.
The Chair: Thank you very much.
Senator Adler: Earlier you said that about 70% of people in Africa are supporting democracy over all other forms of government. We’re all concerned — not just in democratic countries like Canada but around the world, on every continent — about an erosion of confidence among people in democracy. Can you give us a slice of why democracy may be losing confidence among some people in Africa?
Mr. Fomunyoh: Thank you very much, senator. It’s an excellent question and brings to mind what the late former chair of our board of directors Madeleine Albright used to say: “People want to vote but they also want to eat . . . .”
In many countries, people who have come to power through the electoral and political process, once in power, have either not delivered the services on their promise or, in some cases, unfortunately, have even themselves worked to dismantle the institutions that brought them there. That explains why, for example, on the African continent, there is the whole issue of constitutionalism and respect for presidential term limits, because we’ve had a number of presidents who were elected but who, once in office, began to tinker with the constitutions of their countries to keep themselves in power.
It’s also a government that claims sovereignty but is not able to guarantee the security of its citizens throughout its entire territory or doesn’t provide public services that would create that social contract between citizens and the central government. Those are the kinds of actions that have led to disaffection with democratic governance and a feeling that there may be other alternatives. But that’s something we have to continue to work against.
[Translation]
Senator Gerba: You are right to say that “a hungry belly has no ears.” I have a brief question for Ms. Chimhandamba.
We’ve heard here that demography in Africa is important, because one in four human beings will be African by 2050; that one in four human beings will need to be fed. Given its expertise in the agri-food sector, what could Canada do in particular to contribute to this need to feed Africans through their own efforts, i.e., on the African continent, with locally produced products, also given the arable land, which is abundant in Africa?
[English]
Ms. Chimhandamba: Thank you. The Canadian Foodgrains Bank is currently helping Africans feed themselves with their own food. We do not ship food to Africa. We work with our partners; we resource our partners. We are not shipping grain to Africa. We started off that way in 1983, but, over the years, we have started to source the food in the region, in the countries, if possible.
We are working on assisting farmers to adapt to sustainable farming practices such as conservation agriculture, which yields better yields than, perhaps, some traditional practices that are no longer applicable in some contexts.
The Chair: I’m sorry, but we’re out of time.
I just wanted to make one comment at the very end. My colleagues were so voluble in their questions that I never got a chance to ask my own. I wanted to say that I have worked, in my previous career, very closely with both your organizations. We admire what you do. We admire the fact that Canada has had a very effective partnership.
Mr. Fomunyoh, thank you very much for coming up from Washington to be with us, and keep up the good work.
Ms. Chimhandamba, thank you very much. The Canadian Foodgrains Bank is very active and a very vital component in terms of the partners I know the Government of Canada has.
Thank you. Your comments have enriched us in our study.
(The committee adjourned.)