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Presence of Racism and Discrimination within Canadian Institutions

Inquiry--Debate Adjourned

June 25, 2020


Hon. Donald Neil Plett (Leader of the Opposition)

Rose pursuant to notice of June 16, 2020:

That he will call the attention of the Senate to the presence of racism and discrimination within Canadian institutions.

He said: Honourable senators, I do sincerely apologize for doing this at this late hour, but it is a very important inquiry, and if we don’t do it today, it won’t be done until fall. Please indulge me and bear with me.

Honourable senators, I rise today to launch an inquiry into the presence of racism and discrimination within Canadian institutions.

Colleagues, many of us in this chamber have not personally experienced racism. For that reason, we are often blind to what visible minorities continue to face on a regular basis. It is easy for us to recognize blatant expressions of racism, however, we are far less perceptive and aware of the subtle ways many in this country face oppression. It is frankly tragic that it would take the senseless murder of a man in the United States to bring this conversation to the forefront.

Colleagues, we have a duty to represent minorities in this chamber. As parliamentarians and policy-makers, I believe it is imperative that we are part of the ongoing conversation on racism in Canada. It is for this reason that I raise this inquiry with you today. Last week, we had an emergency debate brought forward by Senator Moodie. I took great interest in the debates that occurred within that forum. Today, we had a Committee of the Whole on the same problem.

The issue of racism and discrimination within Canadian institutions is one that requires a thorough review. My hope is that this inquiry will allow us to build upon last week’s debate, as this issue is complex. I believe it is important that we allow for extensive dialogue within the parameters of an inquiry. This will provide us with time to reflect on what we have heard, and more importantly, will allow all members of this chamber to take part in the days, weeks and months ahead, if that is the will of this chamber.

Unique regional perspectives will be critical to understanding the scope and prevalence of racism and race-based discrimination in Canada. As parliamentarians, we are afforded a platform. More importantly, we are given a responsibility to give a voice to the under-represented groups. That responsibility does not include speaking in platitudes, offering condescending lectures or producing another report to collect dust on a shelf.

Around the world, people are encouraged to have the difficult conversations, even when they are uncomfortable. The freedom to have those conversations is absolutely essential. It is the only way we can learn from one another and ultimately grow as a society.

Sadly, in the past few weeks, this is not entirely what we have seen. We have seen a peak in cancel culture, calling for the firing and dismissal of individuals who do not strictly adhere to an identity politics philosophy.

Colleagues, when one disagrees with the removal of statues of imperfect historical figures, when one questions the validity of the concept of privilege based solely on group identity, when someone questions the level of systemic racism in an institution or disagrees with the particular style of protest, that person should not be dismissed out of hand. How can we expect to educate one another and learn from each other when we pre‑emptively remove individuals from the conversation?

The Senate is one place that must be permitted to have the difficult conversations. It was designed precisely for the purpose of thinking soberly, which means entertaining all sides of the debate and a diversity of opinions. As we take part in this important discussion, let’s give each other the benefit of the doubt. Let’s be gracious. Let’s be permitted to have the difficult conversations. As public speaker Peter Bromberg stated:

When we avoid difficult conversations, we trade short term discomfort for long term dysfunction.

Colleagues, while there are many things we can acknowledge in our history with pride, Canada, like all nations, has its own dark history, full of divisions and struggles for equality since its conception. What makes Canada exceptional, however, is growth, progress, a willingness to learn, a willingness to admit when we have wronged and a willingness to change.

Prior to Confederation in 1867, many people were drawn to this new country, seeking freedom from persecution and a chance to pursue a better life. The arrival of the European settlers and the subsequent displacement and assimilation of Indigenous peoples, followed by the struggle between Catholic France and Protestant Britain for political control of Canada are tensions that are well documented. There was bound to be a long road ahead with respect to mending divisions and achieving unity, fairness and equality.

The establishment of treaties, the abolition of the slave trade, the suffragette movement granting women the right to vote and hold elected office were some of the early steps toward bridging the divide. The rights of workers started to come to fruition during the First World War, where protests in the streets ultimately led to the right to safe working conditions and a living wage.

The pressing issue in conversations around the world today is racism. While it is impossible to capture the entirety of the lived experience of racism in our history, allow me to walk you through a few examples of historical policy and decisions that were rooted in antiquated, racist beliefs and that have been subsequently acknowledged by Canadian governments.

The Chinese head tax was imposed from 1885 to 1923 as an explicit effort to reduce immigration from China. Prime Minister Harper, on behalf of the federal government, officially apologized on June 22, 2006. The Komagata Maru, a boat carrying 376 prospective immigrants from India, was prohibited from making port in Vancouver in May 1914, only because the passengers were Sikh. People of Ukrainian descent were designated as enemy aliens during the First World War and were interned in camps.

The MS St. Louis, a ship carrying 907 German Jewish refugees that arrived in Canadian waters in 1939, after being denied entry into Cuba and the United States, was also denied entry into Canada. The ship returned to Europe, where at least 255 of its passengers later died in the Holocaust. There was the internment, relocation, property confiscation and deportation of Japanese and Italian Canadians between 1939 and 1945.

As for our Indigenous populations, we should note that the Indian Act was only changed in 1960 to allow First Nations people to vote in federal elections without losing their legal Indian status. And we all know the impact of the Indian residential school system on Indigenous populations.

Clearly, colleagues, this is not an exhaustive list. To look back at these very moments paints a grim picture. Yet it also paints a picture of a culture of reparation. I believe this context is important as we embark on this critical discussion. As has been said before, those who do not learn from history are doomed to repeat it.

So, where are we now? According to Statistics Canada, in 1871, the year of the first Canadian census following Confederation, about 20 origins were listed within the population. As of 2016, over 250 origins were reported, with more than 41% of the population having recorded more than one. More than 2 million people have reported being of Aboriginal ancestry.

Colleagues, these figures matter, as they paint a picture of who we are as a nation. Canadians are proud of their unique Canadian identity, including their individual, personal heritage. The promotion and celebration of multiculturalism is one of our many great attributes.

In 2020, I would say that Canadians feel fortunate to live in a country that is overwhelmingly welcoming, tolerant and inclusive. That said, on May 25, 2020, exactly one month ago today, the world’s eyes were opened and remain open as to the work we still have to do, including here at home.

For example, the Assembly of First Nations National Chief Perry Bellegarde expressed his frustration last week regarding a series of violent, sometimes fatal, confrontations between police and members of the First Nations across Canada. He made a plea for real action, saying that the lack of action when it comes to different recommendations is what is “killing our people,” adding that this was not the time for another report.

I agree with him on this. As I said before, this is not the time to add another report to an already overstocked shelf.

Last week, I briefly mentioned the mistreatment of Canadians of Asian heritage in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic. It is hard to comprehend that this level of ignorance exists within our borders. However, it is undeniable. There were reports in Toronto and Vancouver of people shouting racist remarks and spitting on individuals of Asian descent on the street. The Vancouver police department noted a 600% increase in reported hate crimes targeting the Asian community.

There is no place for this kind of intolerance in Canada.

According to a Canadian Press article, the number of police-reported hate crimes reached an all-time high in 2017, largely driven by incidents targeting Muslim, Jewish and black people. Statistics Canada indicates that hate crimes have been steadily climbing since 2014 but increased by an alarming 47% in 2017. The latest data show that the numbers have remained elevated.

In the same article, it is noted that 2,073 hate crimes were reported this 2017, and this number only reflects reported crimes. How many more hate crimes have occurred without having been reported? It is devastating to consider that for those crimes, Canadians have been targeted because of their colour, race, religion or sexual orientation. Too often the victims of discrimination and racism suffer in silence.

Unfortunately, while our current government talks a good game on equality, they have not instilled any confidence in the Canadian public that real solutions are on the horizon.

There have been many Calls to Action and promises made by the Trudeau government with respect to Canada’s First Nations, Métis and Inuit people, but many of these promises have not been fulfilled.

As Jody Wilson-Raybould said in a special to The Globe and Mail this weekend, as much as she wants to be optimistic that our current government has the will, understanding and courage to make foundational, transformative change to address systemic racism, including through new laws, policies and practices, based on her experience she has no such optimism. She stated:

Time and again my experience was symbolic inaction and ineffective baby steps were privileged over transformative efforts to address Canada’s colonial legacy, systemic racism and the challenges with our criminal justice system. Too often, political expediency triumphed over bold and necessary action.

As for the Prime Minister’s latest symbolic demonstration, Ms. Wilson-Raybould stated:

The Prime Minister choosing to “take a knee” and “listen” on June 5 is a sign of cynical practices we should condemn and reject. It is, once again, merely symbolic inaction.

The words of Jody Wilson-Raybould.

With respect to symbolic inaction, we need to look no further than this government’s sentiments toward the removal of historic statues and the renaming of places and street names.

Last week, Prime Minister Trudeau would not even rule out changing the name of the Laurier Club. Sir Wilfrid Laurier, colleagues, has long been lauded as one of Canada’s great Prime Ministers. Jean Chrétien called him, “A visionary who opened Canada’s doors to the world and who settled the West. A pioneer of Canadian independence. . . . I often found myself wondering, when facing the difficult questions of the day, how to apply his lessons and wisdom.”

I have countless other examples from former Liberal and Conservative leaders and prime ministers about his profound contribution to Canadian history.

Colleagues, historical figures should be assessed on the whole of their contributions and not solely on their worst moments. If the Prime Minister supports the removal of Laurier’s name, what’s next? The Famous Five? What about Pierre Elliott Trudeau? If the greater contribution to history is not relevant, and we are to judge individuals by today’s standards, the goalposts will continue to move until we have no one left to commemorate. Is that progress, colleagues?

I would agree with French President Macron that these types of gestures do nothing to stamp out racism and are tantamount to a false rewriting of history. Perhaps, instead of pontificating about the knocking down of statues, the Prime Minister could have listened to the most powerful Indigenous voice at the table, his Minister of Justice, when she pled with him for criminal justice reform.

Colleagues, now is not the time for symbolic gestures, platitudes and pandering. As hate crimes continue to climb, our country needs leadership. Without meaningful action, there is no meaningful change.

While we consider how we can do better as a society and how we can move forward, it is important to view Canada in a global context. As Rex Murphy stated in a recent column, “Most Canadians, the vast majority in fact, are horrified by racism and would never participate in it.”

I believe it is safe to say that around the world, most would look at our institutions, our schools, the overwhelming emphasis on tolerance and acceptance, our immigration policies, our promotion of multiculturalism, and would look upon us fondly as an example even.

Colleagues, in no way am I mitigating the bigotry that exists within our society, as it does in all societies. However, to view Canada as a racist country does not paint a complete and accurate picture.

As to whether racism is systemic in some of our institutions, I believe it is worthy of further examination. But Prime Minister Trudeau has not offered a single meaningful solution on how to address issues of racial inequality, and yet is proud to stand publicly and denounce our country as a racist one, one we should be ashamed of. This is Canada, the country lauded historically by Liberal and Conservative Prime Ministers alike as the greatest country in the world. In these challenging moments in our history, our Prime Minister should be our biggest champion, and instead he has used this opportunity to be our biggest critic.

So, colleagues, where do we go from here? We would be remiss if we did not explore the issue of police brutality in the context of this discussion. While the data is unclear on how race plays a factor in fatal interactions with the police, I think the historically tumultuous relationships between law enforcement and certain communities cannot be ignored.

For example, in 2019, a YouGov poll in the United States demonstrated that black people are far more worried about being the victim of police violence than being the victim of a violent crime.

Washington Post contributor Radley Balko, in a powerful column, also made the point that in the United States, white people can compartmentalize police brutality while black people do not have that luxury. He states:

When white people see video of unjust police abuse of a white person, it may make us angry, sad or uncomfortable, but most of us don’t see ourselves in the position of the person in the video. If we’re polite and respectful, we think, and don’t put ourselves in scenarios that lead to confrontations with police officers, there’s little chance that we’ll ever end up like Daniel Shaver. When black people see video of Officer Derek Chauvin kneeling on George Floyd’s neck, their reaction is much more likely to be that could have been me — or my son, or friend or brother.

Colleagues, these issues are layered. There is a historical context to consider when understanding why certain communities have developed an overall mistrust of law enforcement. Both in the United States and here at home, meaningful action will be required to make effective reparations.

However, I still say that defunding our police services is not the answer. I find it truly frightening that our Prime Minister would not rule out whether he would defund the RCMP when asked recently by the media. If the goal is to mend the relationship between police and the communities they serve, how exactly would defunding the police achieve that?

The idea that most RCMP officers or most police officers, for that matter, are racist, dangerous or malicious, with anything other than the intention to protect and serve in mind, is simply not rooted in reality. Our approach to these issues cannot be reactionary or made out of anger. We need to remain united in demanding improvements like increased transparency and improved de-escalation training to start to rebuild trust in these fractured relationships. When we see horrific cases of police violence against a visible minority, the easy answer is that the police officer is a racist. But I suspect the issue at hand is much more complex than that.

In preparing for this inquiry, I went back to the report from the other place, prepared by the Standing Committee on Canadian Heritage from February 2018 entitled “Taking Action Against Systemic Racism and Religious Discrimination Including Islamophobia.” The report delves into systemic racism. I found Senator Murray Sinclair’s explanation quite interesting. Allow me to read just a portion:

People have a hard time understanding what systemic discrimination is and what systemic racism is. This is because it’s not the kind of racism that comes necessarily from the behaviour, words, and actions of individuals, other than the fact that they are guided by the system in which they are functioning. The phrase that I always like to use is that systemic racism is the racism that’s left over after you get rid of the racists. Once you get rid of the racists within the justice system, for example, you will still have racism perpetrated by the justice system. This is because the justice system follows certain rules, procedures, guidelines, precedents, and laws that are inherently discriminatory and racist because those laws, policies, procedures, processes, and beliefs—including beliefs that direct individuals on how and when to exercise their discretion—come from a history of the common law, which comes from a different culture, a different way of thinking.

I would like to thank Senator Sinclair for his thoughtful explanation. While we examine whether systemic racism exists in certain institutions — and if it does, to what extent — it is helpful to be on the same page with an understanding of the concept.

That said, we need to consider the comments of systemic racism made by the RCMP Commissioner Brenda Lucki. Regardless of whether you agree with her about the level of systemic racism entrenched in RCMP policy and procedures, she too admitted that the concept is difficult to define. She said she had heard 5 to 10 different definitions of the concept, as I’m sure we all have. After struggling to define the term, the commissioner later expressed her belief that there is systemic racism in the RCMP.

The Prime Minister’s chastising comments on this matter, once again, demonstrate the glaring hypocrisy of his government. In October 2018, Minister Pablo Rodriguez questioned the very existence of systemic racism. He did this while being the Minister of Heritage and Multiculturalism.

Honourable senators, how is it unacceptable for the RCMP commissioner to acknowledge that she struggles with a definition of a concept that is notoriously difficult to define before conclusively acknowledging its presence in the organization, and yet to the Prime Minister it’s no big deal when his Minister of Heritage and Multiculturalism questioned its very existence. I do not recall anyone asking for the minister to resign at the time, and he certainly was not the subject of a Trudeau public scolding.

Honourable senators, the objective of this inquiry is that together in this chamber we can collaboratively examine the presence of racism and discrimination within our Canadian institutions. We first need to determine where it exists before we can focus on solutions. We still have a long road ahead of us, but I believe that the wide range of regional and cultural perspectives in this chamber will add tremendous value to this conversation.

Some of the questions we need to consider are: Where are the racial divides in this country? How do we rebuild relationships of trust between law enforcement and some of the communities they serve? Is there unconscious bias that we need to address? Are racism and race-based discrimination present at the executive level of our institutions? Is it present in all Canadian institutions? Is there room for improvement in our hiring processes? What factors have led to such a profound disparity in income between races in this country? Are there systems in place that guide us toward inadvertent discrimination of individuals? These are just a few of the questions I hope we will explore throughout the duration of this inquiry.

What I take solace in is this: With vastly different political philosophies and ideologies governing how we in this chamber view the world and approach solutions to the problems we are faced with, we have come together to debate how — not whether — we can achieve equality in Canada. That, colleagues, is what makes a country like Canada unique on the world stage. The fact that we are constantly striving to do better is what makes Canada a country to be proud of.

Honourable senators, it has been 57 years since Martin Luther King Jr.’s “I Have A Dream” speech. This speech still resonates today around the world. Today the most quoted lines of that speech are:

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. . . .

I have a dream today. . .

Why did these words resonate so powerfully? Because it pointed out an uncomfortable truth. There are deeply ingrained ignorant and racist beliefs held by some in our society that will undoubtedly impact the way visible minorities will move through this world. The reason these words are still powerful today is because, while we have made significant strides, this is still a reality.

Honourable senators, it is tragic that it would take a horrific example of police brutality to blow the doors open on this long overdue conversation. However, there are parallels to be drawn with the Harvey Weinstein case, which subsequently led to the #MeToo movement. There were many discussions that took place at the time and that continue to take place. These conversations were uncomfortable, full of disagreements, and yet these conversations led to learning and ultimately to meaningful change.

Similarly, we have the opportunity now to listen and to hear groups in our society who feel undervalued and disrespected. The fact that there are those who are still fighting for equal treatment under the law and who feel they are not full and equal members of this society simply because of the colour of their skin means that there is much work to be done. It is my sincere hope that we can continue the legacy of progress that Canada is known for on the world stage and seize this critical moment in history.

Let me conclude with this, colleagues, a scripture from Psalms 34:18, which says:

The LORD is near to the brokenhearted

And saves the crushed in spirit.

That, colleagues, is our obligation to stand up for the brokenhearted and the crushed in spirit. Thank you.

Hon. Mary Jane McCallum [ - ]

I want to thank Senator Plett for starting this inquiry.

I want to acknowledge the article Race, Power and Policy: Dismantling Structural Racism by the Grassroots Policy Project because I’ve grown up in institutions. When we grow up in institutions, we internalize a lot of what has been taught to us. So many times — I have to dig deep and bring that out and see that part of myself.

“What can we do for you today?” I asked the patient as I put the chair down. She sat in the chair, sad, looking pale and withdrawn, not wanting to look into my face, even though she had been a patient before. I asked her, “Is something wrong?” and I touched her arm gently. She burst into tears and I raised the chair back up and asked the assistant if she could leave us, and the patient told me her story of deep trauma. I advised her that today was not a good day for dental care, but that she needed help to look after her mental state, that we would go to see the nurse together, that she needed help with her withdrawal, as well as added support. I told her I would book her for Tuesday the following week.

Provision of holistic care when you work on the First Nations communities — which I have for over 30 years — is frowned upon. When you go in, they tell you: “You drill. It doesn’t matter what that patient is going through.” I never really looked at that before, but over time I realized I was delivering care inappropriately.

Many patients have mental health issues that are the foundation of their problems. So on that date it wasn’t dental care that was the problem, it was mental care. When I work like that, then I get penalized by the system because the government will judge that I didn’t do my work.

On Tuesday, she called me to say that she would be unable to attend the appointment. I told her that when she was ready she was to give us a call and we would squeeze her in.

On Thursday evening, she was brought into the nursing station unconscious. She was released by the nurse, still unconscious, to go to the jail cells. That is against the standard of care. She shouldn’t have been released, nor should the RCMP member have accepted her in that state, for RCMP are unable to monitor unconscious people appropriately.

On Friday morning, she was brought into the nursing station from the cells with no life signs. We were later informed by the people who shared the cells with her that in the morning she had been crying and she was in pain and asked to be taken to the nursing station. The RCMP member told her, “Quit faking.” Only when she became unconscious again was she transported to the nursing station.

At two o’clock that afternoon, after several unsuccessful attempts to revive her, she passed on, a young woman, to many just another statistic. No investigation was made, and both the nurse and the RCMP member were transferred to other reserves.

Who is there to protect Indigenous peoples if not the RCMP? A swift and strong response by law enforcement can help to stabilize and calm the community as well as help the family to heal. She was denied health care and denied safety by the RCMP. This failure to respond forces community members to be made aware of how powerless they are and feel further victimized and vulnerable by the very people who are sent to help them.

What happens when it’s law enforcement and health professionals who contribute to the problem of injustice? Shouldn’t the supervisors have requested an investigation? What about the rule of law?

As they were trying to revive her, I was down the hallway drilling teeth, and I remember thinking about her and the family, but I had patients to see, and it really put me in a position of questioning how we did our jobs in the North. It was a hard day for me.

Honourable senators, today I share with you stories of systemic institutional and structural racism I have experienced first-hand while working as a dentist in the North. These are true events that happened on reserve to Indigenous people, including myself. Sometimes stories are the only way people understand how the daily lives of Indigenous peoples are filled with unfairness, powerlessness, lack of voice and violence.

I want to tell you here that there are many good nurses that I have worked with, awesome nurses and doctors, as well as RCMP. There are always good people around. I just wanted to put that on the record.

In the first World report on violence and health dated October 3, 2002, violence was defined as:

The intentional use of physical force or power, threatened or actual, against oneself, another person, or against a group or community, that either results in . . . injury, death, psychological harm, maldevelopment or deprivation.

Structural violence is “. . . any constraint on human potential due to economic and political structures.” That is a quote from Johan Galtung in 1969. It involves “Unequal access to resources, to political power, to education, to health care, or to legal standing . . . .”

Structural violence is not an accident, but rather an outcome of human action that generates these systems in the first place. It is present as exploitation, poverty, misery, denial of basic needs and marginalization. In other words, equality can be seen as structural violence.

As you know, I grew up in the institution of residential school for 11 years. In that system, I realized that I had to come to believe in racism because I internalized it and directed it at myself because that was what was happening to me. I was raised with the belief that there are structures of domination created by the government and enforced by the Catholic Church in my case. In the end, I turned that racism toward myself, absorbed it and learned it very well.

To date, I still live with the danger of that genocide within me. Isn’t that something? That genocide is here. It was planted there. I have the ability to erode my spirithood when and if I choose. Just because I became a senator doesn’t erase the effects of the racialization I underwent.

How do we get to the bottom of that accumulation and incorporation of long-standing racialized practices and come to understand and acknowledge them? That is one of the things I am looking at now.

In one of the communities, I agreed to volunteer as the chair of the school committee. Some of the parents came to me to inform me that two RCMP members were drinking with two young girls from the reserve. In this community, as with many others, RCMP members were flown in every two weeks and they stayed for three or four days. I went to speak to the girls, and they confirmed that they had been drinking with the RCMP members.

These two people had confiscated alcohol from one of the teachers who lived on provincial land while allowing the non-Indigenous teachers to have alcohol in their residence. I advised that teacher to go and get her bottle, as she had the right to have social drinks, like any other Canadian. It is not a crime to have alcohol for social drinking.

What was I going to do with this situation? I spoke to one of the nurses about my dilemma and asked her to speak to one of the members. She did, and when he walked into the nursing station on the next visit, he said to me, “How long will you remain here?” And I said, “For a very, very long time.” He transferred by the end of the month.

The other problem with this is that all baggage going to reserves are checked before they are loaded onto the plane. As passengers, we are searched when we land on provincial land to get to the reserve. How can the RCMP or their representatives do this? It was because it was at the request of chiefs and councils so alcohol wouldn’t be brought onto the reserves, and it was especially to stem bootlegging, which is a big problem on many reserves.

However, the bylaws of the chiefs and councils are not normally recognized outside their jurisdiction of federal land and even sometimes within their own jurisdiction, as we saw with the marijuana bill.

When the RCMP asked if he could pat me down, I said, “No, this is illegal.” And he said, “Well, you can get back on the plane.” I said, “No, I haven’t done anything wrong. I’m just coming here to work. If you want to search me, you do it on federal land, not on provincial land.”

This system of searching people and baggage hasn’t worked. The bootlegging is still happening.

What I want to impress upon you here is that the first action is one of negative law enforcement. It’s already like we have all committed a crime, and this has been happening for many years. That’s the first interaction that the police, the RCMP, and the community people have.

Where is the rule of law? How did racialization set the stage and contribute to the various arenas of injustice in the story I have just told you? Racialization showed up in those young girls’ lives and experiences, in their own neighbourhood, and now what was their impression of law enforcement? How did it reinforce marginalization? How does it define “illegal”? You can’t do it but I can because I have the power.

As adults in the community, we also have to struggle around all the ways our youth are threatened and to protect them, not only from there but from law enforcement officers.

Theses stories about systemic and structural racism on reserve involve the institutions of policing and health, but within this story there are also accumulations of deeply embedded historical, long-standing racialized practices of the institution of education, food insecurity, residential schools, homelessness and domestic violence, all contributing to these two stories.

With education, INAC will give $6,000 if it’s band operated. Those same kids on provincial land will get $12,000. The reserve said, “Do you know what? We can’t afford to do this to our children,” they took the children and put them on provincial land, and the next day the province gave those kids $12,000 each. With food insecurity, everything adds up.

When these people walk, they are walking with all those social determinants of health around them. There are many examples of morbidity and premature mortality, what people call “social murder.”

How, then, do Indigenous people make sense of the system they live in, a system that was created for them politically and socially? How do non-Indigenous people then justify the maintenance of these systems? There is differential application of law enforcement and health care, blatant abandonment of duty of care, disregard of human life and other human rights including security, integrity and safety.

These stories and many more exist. When we walk into the reserve — we fly in on Monday and fly out on Friday — I see this almost every week. It might not be all the officers, but it’s the life people live up North.

A nurse I was working with on the reserve said to me that as health professionals and as senators, we have to be aware of two lifelines when we deal with people. The first lifeline is the moment when people communicate their needs to us, and they may be fearful and in great despair.

The Hon. the Speaker [ - ]

Excuse me, Senator McCallum, but your time has expired. Are you asking for five more minutes?

Senator McCallum [ - ]

Yes, please.

The Hon. the Speaker [ - ]

Is it agreed, honourable senators?

Senator McCallum [ - ]

The first lifeline is the moment when people communicate their needs, requests and concerns to us as senators, and they may be fearful and in great despair. We must remember that the second lifeline is the moment when we touch their lives. How we fulfill their requests will forever leave a lasting impression on them, but also on ourselves. Thank you.

Hon. Dennis Glen Patterson [ - ]

Honourable senators, I rise today to speak to Senator Plett’s inquiry. I would like to thank Senator Plett for ensuring that the Senate uses every tool at its disposal to ensure that we, as a chamber, are working on solutions aimed at ending systemic racism in Canada. That is a large task that will require many incremental steps, in my opinion, as it will take time and planning to undo generations of discriminatory and racist policies, attitudes and practices that are deeply entrenched in our institutions.

While I would like to take more time to formulate a thoughtful contribution to this debate, I think that we cannot rise for the summer without first emphasizing why this inquiry is important. Like Senator McCallum, I’d like to tell a few current stories.

Regis Korchinski-Paquet, 29, an Afro-Indigenous woman living in Toronto, Ontario, died on May 27 after her mother called the police pleading for her to be taken to a mental health facility after they’d had an argument. Sometime after five officers arrived at the family’s twenty-fourth floor apartment, Regis Korchinski-Paquet fell to her death from the balcony. While details remain unclear, the family continues to assert that this young woman would still be alive if the police had intervened differently.

Chantel Moore was a 26-year-old Indigenous woman whose family and friends say was trying to start her life over to be a better mother. She was shot repeatedly by an officer in Edmundston, New Brunswick, during a wellness check.

Mona Wang from Kamloops, British Columbia, says she suffered emotional and physical abuse while in mental distress. Video footage from her building shows this young nursing student being dragged through a hallway while handcuffed, in pants and a sports bra. When she lifts her head, the officer can be seen stepping on her head with her boot and later lifts Ms. Wang’s head by pulling her by the hair.

Chief Allan Adam of Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation in northern Alberta was violently arrested by RCMP officers for a vehicle offence outside an establishment in Fort McMurray. Following a verbal confrontation in which Chief Adam accuses the RCMP of harassing him, Chief Adam’s wife is forcefully shoved against a truck and yells, “Ow!” Naturally, Chief Adam went to his wife’s defence, only to be tackled to the ground and repeatedly punched and then put into a chokehold. The arrest was so unnecessarily forceful that all charges against Chief Adam were later withdrawn.

In Kinngait, Nunavut, an intoxicated Inuk man was struck by the open door of an RCMP officer’s truck, tackled and forcefully subdued by five officers. The tactics used included kneeling on the man’s neck. He was later placed in a cell where he was assaulted by another detainee.

Colleagues, these are not isolated instances. They are only some of the many instances that unfortunately showcase the maltreatment of black, Indigenous and persons of colour — Canadians — by Canadian institutions. In these cases, the incidents are related to policing.

Let me be clear: As Senator McCallum also said just now, I don’t mean to diminish or demean the good work of the many hardworking, honest, caring and compassionate officers. I know some have been hurt deeply by these recent publicized events. I know that several of our colleagues served in police forces and are good, honourable people. However, it is important to call out incidents of excessive force and violence. It is important to say the names of those whose stories are at the centre of our deliberations. We must say their names; we cannot allow them to become faceless, forgotten incidents. These are people from coast to coast to coast in Canada who have felt the sting of systemic racism, and we cannot allow their suffering to go unanswered.

With that, Your Honour, unless anyone else wishes to speak, I would like to adjourn the debate for the balance of my time. Thank you.

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